lundi 23 mars 2015

How a Chinese Rock Musician Brought Uyghur Food to Boston



March 20, 2015 / 4:00 pm
By Brent Crane
Payzulla Polat doesn’t want to talk about politics. And who can blame him? If his homeland of Xinjiang—a massive frontier province in northwest China—is ever in the news, it’s for terrorist attacks and human rights violations. He prefers to talk about music and food.
The 33-year-old Boston resident is the owner of Uyghur Kitchen, the only Uyghur food truck in America. Uyghurs (pronounced wee-gur) are a Turkic, mostly Muslim ethnic minority in China, but the dominant ethnic group in Xinjiang. To say that they don’t get along well with the Chinese government would be an understatement.
Payzulla Polat. Photo by Brent Crane.
The Uyghurs are among the world’s most persecuted minorities. Many of them desire an independent state, though they might not say it to your face; security forces in China regularly imprison outspoken Uyghurs, oftentimes on baseless charges of “separatism” and “extremism.” Tensions between Uyghurs and the Chinese government remain high and sometimes result in violence, which erupted when I was there last summer. In our post-9/11 world, the Uyghurs are China’s terrorist scapegoats, the Islamic boogeymen with dark skin and scary beards.
But Polat doesn’t have a beard or any apparent political agenda. He has a brand-new food truck and a chalkboard menu offering rice pilaf dishes, kebabs, and chicken and lamb wraps filled with tomato, onions, lettuce, and yogurt sauce. It’s a small slice of home in a place nothing like it.
Photo courtesy of Uyghur Kitchen.
We are squeezed into his food truck after a busy lunch rush outside a tech startup in Cambridge, Massachusetts. His food truck partner and longtime friend Kamil, a Uyghur artist recently arrived from Xinjiang, packs up the metalware around us as Polat tells me about his life before Uyghur Kitchen.
Polat left China in 2008 at the age of 27 and relocated to Los Angeles to attend the LA Music Academy. A music virtuoso, he got his first professional gig as a teenager, playing bass in Beijing for a flamenco-rhumba-Uyghur fusion band called Afangi. “The other bandmates were like 35,” he recalls. “I was kind of the son of the band.” He speaks English—his third language after Uyghur and Mandarin—with a slightly Californian accent.
Photo courtesy of Uyghur Kitchen.
As a kid, Polat was enamored by tape cassettes of Metallica and Poison brought in from Russia—rare finds in China then. “One day it was like, ‘Look at these dudes, they’ve got long hair and a jacket and chains, but they’re cool, man!’” He was hooked. The son of a painter and a musician, Polat was sent to art school as an adolescent to study bass in the music department, and then relocated to Beijing to play with Afangi. “It was a good time. We had a lot of success; a lot of festivals and touring.”
Polat’s reputation as a reliable bass player spread, and people began offering him projects, including a spot in the Uyghur rock band Gray Wolf. They garnered a significant degree of fame as they appeared on TV shows, played festivals, and toured through Asia and Europe. (Here’s a video of Grey Wolf playing in Beijing. Polat can be seen slapping the bass around the 4:00 mark.)
Photo courtesy of Uyghur Kitchen.
The musician-turned-food-trucker sees similarities between his two trades. “It’s the same thing. When you mix a song, you put in reverb, delay, EQ, compression, whatever; it’s just like you put salt and pepper on food. If you put in too much, that’s gonna ruin the whole thing. And if the tune itself is good, you don’t need to put anything on it, you know?”
Polat also sees himself as a cultural ambassador. “A lot of people are getting to know Uyghurs through my food. They didn’t know us before,” he says, “Most of the time they pronounce Uyghur ‘yogurt.’”
When I ask the final customer of the lunch rush, a well-dressed twenty-something from the tech startup nearby, if he’s ever heard of the Uyghurs, he chuckles, “No. What, are they from Turkey or something?”
It’s not a bad guess; Uyghur food is similar to Turkish. They are both generally halal, and contain a lot of spiced and roasted lamb, beef, and chicken kebabs. But it is Xinjiang’s geographical location that makes its food stand out. With Russia to the north, Central Asia to the west, Tibet to the south, and China to the east, Uyghur cuisine carries elements from all of its neighbors. Its meaty noodle soups show Chinese influence. Its flatbread (called nang in Uyghur), baked on the inside wall of a circular oven, shows influence from the Arab world, brought to Xinjiang through Central Asia. And its samsa, mutton-stuffed bread dumplings cooked in the nang ovens, point north to Russia.
Photo by Brent Crane.
Due to strict food regulations, Polat’s only allowed to serve a limited menu in Boston, so he sticks to kebabs and wraps. He had come up with the idea for a Uyghur food truck years ago while out in California. “In Los Angeles, there’s a lot of food trucks down there, you know?” he says. “That’s where I got the idea to start my own food truck with Uyghur food.” After he graduated music school in LA, he came to Boston in 2009 to attend the Berklee College of Music on a scholarship. At the time, the food truck scene was virtually nonexistent. But after a couple years, more and more of them began to appear, going from just a handful in 2011 to around 100 today, according to Polat. He finally decided to get in on the action last spring.
Now a year in, the business is going well. Setting up outside corporate offices and festivals is making Polat good money to support his wife and two kids. He’s heading into his final semester at Berklee, and a month ago began playing in a jazz-rock band called Background Orcs.
In the cramped Uyghur Kitchen truck, Polat starts preparing a lamb wrap for me. Being an annoying reporter, I ask him once more about the political situation in his homeland. “I don’t want to talk about politics man,” he says, “Just music, food, and my culture.”

Uyghurs Arrested in Indonesia to be Tried, Sent to China


    By Aditya Surya and Zahara Tiba
    2015-03-19
    Four Uyghurs arrested by Indonesia over their alleged links to the Islamic State (IS) terror group will be put on trial in Jakarta and then returned to China, BenarNews has learned.
    The four, picked up on Sulawesi island on September 13, 2014, will be charged under anti-terrorism laws, according to Irfan Idris, a spokesman for the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT).
    The four are suspected of funding travel by Indonesian citizens to join IS, he said.
    “They will be prosecuted. Once the indictment is completed, they will be returned to China. After that, it’s up to the Chinese government whether they want to detain them, sentence them to death, or free them. It depends on the laws in force there,” Irfan told BenarNews after a BNPT event in Jakarta on Thursday.
    The Uyghurs are a Muslim minority within China, and mostly live in the western Xinjiang region. Uyghurs also are spread across Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan.
    The four suspects were arrested, along with three Indonesians, in the remote Poso regency of Central Sulawesi province – a hotbed of terrorist activity, according to Indonesian officials.
    “They could be linked with terrorism or the international militant organization ISIS,” police spokesman Boy Rafli Amar told reporters a day after their arrest, using another acronym for the Islamic State terror group.
    The four entered Indonesia through Malaysia with false Turkish passports purchased for $1,000 each in Thailand, authorities said at the time.
    China keenly interested
    China wants the four to be repatriated, and the BNPT has been working with the Chinese government on the matter, Irfan said.
    “We have gone there several times to coordinate with them. They have also visited here. We have agreed to find a good solution,” he said.
    Chinese officials claim that about 300 Uyghurs from Xinjiang have joined IS.
    The ruling Chinese Communist Party Secretary in Xinjiang said last week that “extremists from Xinjiang who have joined the Islamic State” in the Middle East had been arrested after they returned home.
    Rights groups accuse Chinese authorities of heavy-handed rule in Xinjiang, including violent police raids on Uyghur households, restrictions on Islamic religious practice, and curbs on the culture and language of the Uyghur people.
    Irfan of the BNPT said the Chinese were worried about the spread of IS on their soil, since the province is near Pakistan and Afghanistan.
    “Just like in Indonesia, a country that is not safe cannot develop,” he said.
    He said he hoped a decision would be taken soon about dates for the prosecution.
    “No further steps have been taken. We are awaiting the decision of the police,” he said.
    Police also confirmed that the Uyghurs will be put on trial in Jakarta.
    “They face charges under Law No. 9, 2013 on the Prevention and Combatting of Terrorism Financing, based on their activities in Poso. And if it’s proven that they used false Turkish passports, they can be charged under Law No. 6, 2011 on Immigration,” police spokesman Rikwanto told BenarNews.
    The charges have been handed to a court in Jakarta, and “they are still waiting for a trial date,” Rikwanto said.
    ‘Terror allegations’
    Uyghur advocates based in the United States say China has trumped up allegations of “Uyghur terrorism” to justify repression in Xinjiang province.
    “Governments and multi-lateral agencies must strengthen their support for Uyghur rights by treating China’s terror allegations with utmost skepticism and challenging Chinese officials on their appalling human rights record in East Turkestan,” Alim Setyoff, president of the Uyghur American Association, said in Washington on Monday.
    Many Uyghurs living in China and in exile refer to Xinjiang as East Turkestan, because the region came under final control by China following two short-lived East Turkestan republics in the 1930s and 1940s.
    Last year, Beijing intensified its targeting of Uyghurs with an "anti-terror" campaign in Xinjiang, Amnesty International said in its annual global human rights report.
    As many as 700 people are believed to have been killed in political violence in the Xinjiang region from 2013-2014, with ethnic Uyghurs three times as likely as Han Chinese to have died in clashes, the Washington-based Uyghur Human Rights Project (UHRP) reported earlier this month.
    Chinese state-controlled media reported that less than a third of the clashes took place in that time period, and described more than two-thirds of the 37 incidents it did report on as "terrorist" events, UHRP said.

    See what life is like in a Chinese capital city that’s been ravaged by explosive racial tensions


    uighurs-in-urumqi-2Cathaleen Chen  In Urumqi, the capital of China’s northwestern province Xinjiang, residents are still recovering from a violent riot five summers ago between the minority Turkic Muslims — the Uighurs — and the majority Han people.
    A Uighur protest against discrimination turned into violent backlash against Han people, the victims of whom were mostly Han store owners and bystanders. The government reported that 197 people died, but witnesses say that number is far greater.
    Even today, the tension is palpable. But its roots go way back, before the radical Islamic separatists and before the policies of the Communist government. Rather, the backdrop of the issue is thousands of years of repressive history that created deep socioeconomic disparities between the Uighurs and the Hans.
    After the Cultural Revolution, the People’s Republic of China deemed all 56 Chinese ethnic groups as equal, with equal rights. In turn, ethnic minorities attained certain legal privileges. For instance, Uighur families are not subject to the only child law and can have up to three kids. Affirmative action measures offer minority students extra points on the formidable college entrance exam. Other laws require corporations and institutions to have a Uighur cafeteria, as Islam prohibits the consumption of pork.
    Faruke, an English-speaking Uighur employee of a transportation company, said the Chinese state preaches equality but has not allowed it to manifest. He called the government “cosmetic artists.”
    “Policy is good at superficial things, but behind the wall, things are the same — income disparity and opportunity gaps,” he said.
    The problem in Xinjiang is not solely radical Islam or separatist dissent or even the inhibiting rule of communism. Much of it lies in poverty, unemployment and inequality — and it’s far uglier and much more nuanced than political rhetoric.
    These photos aim to capture the tenuous but colorful integration of Uighur culture as part of a Han-dominant society.
    Cathaleen Chen is a senior at Northwestern University studying journalism. In 2013, she traveled to her home province of Xinjiang to explore the divide between the two cultures.

    Uyghurs: Prisoners of the Absurd, a tale of three mens’ incredible odyssey to freedom


    Film-review-Guantanamo-Bay-Camp-Delta-prison
    By Jessica Purkiss  It is 2001 and a group of men escaping persecution from the Chinese authorities journey to Afghanistan and Pakistan seeking refuge. They are all Uyghurs, a persecuted minority of Turkic-speaking Muslims who live predominantly in the autonomous Chinese region of Xinjiang. They do not know that terrorists have just attacked the twin towers in New York – an event which will change the course of their lives.
    In reaction to the attack, the US invades Afghanistan on a mission to dismantle Al-Qaeda and remove the Taliban from power, offering large monetary awards for information on terrorists operating in the region. Strangers in the land, they find themselves easy targets for those hungry for the reward money – the Uyghur are sold as “terrorists” to the United States. Twenty-two Uyghur men are captured this way and taken to Guantanamo Bay, the notorious US military prison.
    From northern China to Guantanamo, Cuba, this new documentary by Patricio Henríquez, which will be showcased during the Human Rights Watch Film Festival in London on the 22 and 24 March, maps the incredible odyssey of three of these “prisoners of the absurd” as they navigate their way to freedom through a complex maze of international politico-economic interests that have nothing to do with them. The men; Abu Bakker Qassum, Khalil Mamut and Ahmat Abdulahad, are quickly understood to be innocent by their US interrogators but they are to languish behind bars for many more years.
    The documentary charts the defining of Guantanamo defendants as “unlawful combatants” (meaning they are deprived of rights outlined in the Geneva Convention) and US President Barack Obama’s failed pledge to close the facility. In doing so it successfully highlights the very lawlessness at the core of Guantanamo’s existence.
    Pieced together from interviews with the men and those who fought to free them, you see an intimate account of their journey and the emotional struggle that comes with it- although some viewers may find the use of interviews throughout the whole documentary a little dry.
    The men detail the abuse they suffer at the hands of US interrogators – their accounts of life in Guantanamo are harrowing. They end up in Camp 6, described as a “dungeon beneath the ground” or “the tomb” to prisoners, where sunlight is an utter luxury. For viewers of this documentary, it will however most likely be their continued imprisonment despite their established innocence that will shock.
    Henríquez should be praised for carefully constructing this tale, which unravels like a kafka-esque nightmare. The men wake up in part from this nightmare and find unlikely homes across the globe, albeit, in the words of one former detainee, with the best years of their life having passed them by. As viewers, we are left shocked at the utter injustice the Uyghurs faced and questioning the US’s response to the 9/11 attacks.

    Rabiye Qadir Xanim Erkinlik Xatire Künide (1-qisim)

    jeudi 19 mars 2015

    The World Uyghur Congress Marks 10th Anniversary of President Rebiya Kadeer’s Release from Chinese Prison


    Press Release – For immediate release
    16 March 2015
    Contact: World Uyghur Congress www.uyghurcongress.org
    0049 (0) 89 5432 1999 or contact@uyghurcongress.org
    logo-wuc-transparente (1)
    The World Uyghur Congress (WUC) marks March 17, 2015, as the 10th anniversary of the release of the current WUC president, Ms. Rebiya Kadeer from an eight-year prison sentence. Ms. Kadeer continues to inspire those that fight for justice and democracy in and out of China as she leads the Uyghur Democracy Movement forward.
    Her release represents the collective strength of the Uyghur people and the persistence exhibited when facing a strong adversary, but also illustrates the continued adversity that all Uyghur people face on a daily basis. Thousands of Uyghurs remain in prison on dubious charges, having been forced through an opaque legal system that effectively erases those that enter it.
    Rebiya Kadeer, now 69 years old, has bee a steadfast supporter of Uyghur rights and a major contributor to women’s rights in China as she founded the “Thousand Mothers Movement” in 1997, primarily as a means of promotion of female-specific job training and employment opportunites for women. Before that, she grew her own trading company and department store in Urumqi from scratch into a multi-million dollar business.
    Ms. Kadeer served as UAA president from 2006 to 2011 and is the president of the World Uyghur Congress. After her release, she founded the International Uyghur Human Rights and Democracy Foundation and has traveled worldwide communicating Uyghur human rights concerns.
    Initial support was given to Ms. Kadeer as she worked within the Chinese state system, but their relationship soured when she criticized the state’s treatment of Uyghurs during a National People’s Political Consultative Conference session in 1997 as well as the recent harsh crackdown on student protests in Ghulja which resulted in hundred of fatalities.
    Ms. Kadeer would subsequently be detained on August 11, 1999, on her way to a meeting with members of an American delegation of congressional staff. By March 10, 2000, the Urumqi People’s Court would sentence her to eight years in prison ostensibly for “illegally providing state intelligence abroad”. The charges were of course unfounded, with almost no judicial oversight in the ultimate decision – which has developed into an even more significant problem. 
    In 2000, Human Rights Watch honored Ms. Kadeer as a human rights monitor. In 2004, Norway’s Rafto Foundation honored her with the Rafto Award.
    Ms. Kadeer’s eventual release was ultimately a product of widespread international effortsin opposition to the Chinese government’s attitude. The US government as well as the European Union were instrumental in consistently raising the issue to the international community through the passing of resolutions and writing of letters to Chinese government officials. Other international organizations, such as Amnesty International, also played a major role, alongside international Uyghur organizations that lobbied their respective governments against Ms. Kadeer’s detention.
    The WUC would like to extend its thanks to those who worked tirelessly and campaigned to ensure her eventual release. This case truly exemplifies how the international community is able to come together and succeed in its struggle for the respect for human rights.
    Despite her release, Ms. Kadeer’s family has been a constant target of persecution by the Chinese government, especially since she relocated to the United States. One of her sons, Ablikim Abdiriyim, remains in prison on dubious charges, with credible evidence that he has been subjected to torture. Two other of Ms. Kadeer’s sons, Alim and Kahar were also sentenced to prison terms back in 2006. Such persecution has little to do with genuine crimes committed, but as retribution for her speaking out for justice and human rights.
    Arbitrary arrests remain a significant problem in East Turkestan and have only been escalating with the introduction of China’s anti-extremism legislation and counter-terror legislation which has disproportionately affected thousands of innocent Uyghurs. China’s Chief Prosecutor in the region proudly boasted that arrests in East Turkestan doubled as compared to 2013, as a direct result of its new counter-terror campaign, stating that over 27,000 “terror suspects” were arrested in 2014, despite providing no substantive information about the nature of the arrests.
    Uyghur academic, Ilham Tohti, remains in prison on a life term, despite strong calls from the international community for his release. His case is significant in that he was charged for “separatism” by the Chinese government, despite having never made public claims for the independence of the region from China. His case must be seen within the context of a paranoid government that wishes to send a clear signal to those who wish to, however mildly, criticize state policy.
    The case of Uyghur author, Nurmuhammet Yasin shows the tight constraints placed on artistic freedom. The jailing of Abdukiram Abduweli and Alimjan Yimit are demonstrative of the curbs place on religious rights in East Turkestan.
    We must look to leaders like Rebiya Kadeer in these trying times as a beacon for what can be achieved if we are able to act together in solidarity. Her case provides hope for those that may feel they have none. Ms. Kadeer has since been steadfast in her activism and support of the Uyghur people as she continues to speak out to inspire change.
    The international community must continue to come together to offer support for the promotion of human rights in East Turkestan. Dissent has been effectively curtailed within China, so there is little chance that change will develop within. We must all act together to pressure China to discontinue its harshly discriminatory policies so that true peace and stability may come to the region at last.

    Detention of Rights Activists in China Soared in 2014, Report Says



    17sino-detain-tmagArticle
    By Michael Forsythe  The Chinese authorities last year detained more people advocating greater civic rights than at any time since at least the mid-1990s, a United States-based organization said in a new report.
    The rights activists encompass a broad group of people, including opponents of sexual discrimination, groups pushing for migrant workers’ rights and people who argue for better treatment of ethnic minorities. They are increasingly being detained, often without formal charges, amid growing suspicion of independent civic groups that lie outside the control of the governing Communist Party, according to the report by Chinese Human Rights Defenders.
    The group documented at least 955 rights advocates who were detained in China in 2014, almost as many as the 1,160 it counted in the previous two years combined. The rise coincided withCommunist Party directives aimed at curtailing what the party views as foreign influences such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press and intellectual freedom at universities, the report said.
    “Those who demanded to exercise their fundamental rights or challenge the increasingly repressive system faced government retaliation, including the use of torture, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, intimidation and other forms of mistreatment,” the group said.
    The report is significant because it quantifies the human toll of a continuing crackdown on independent rights advocates that began soon after President Xi Jinping assumed power about two years ago. The 30-page report detailed dozens of cases, including the arrests of lawyers such as Xu Zhiyong, who was sentenced last year to four years in prison on charges of “gathering a crowd to disturb public order,” after he organized a group that channeled public discontent over corruption and social injustices.
    The report captures only a small slice of the Chinese citizens detained each year, focusing on a specific group — those who press for greater rights. Many thousands more also face arbitrary detention, including petitioners placed in extralegal “black jails” and minorities, such as in the western region of Xinjiang, detained in a continuing crackdown on ethnic unrest.

    China’s Persecution of Activists Worsens in Xi’s Second Year: Rights Group


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    RFA Uyghur Service  China’s persecution of human rights activists was “unusually severe” in 2014, according to a report released Monday by an overseas-based rights group, which said President Xi Jinping had intensified a campaign last year to “purge universal values” in the world’s most populous nation.Harassment of activists “was as severe as it has been since the mid-1990s,” China Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) said in its annual report, adding that the government had moved to further restrict the already shrinking space for civil society to operate in the country.
    “The second year under Xi Jinping’s rule was even more draconian than the first,” Renee Xia, CHRD international director, said in a statement accompanying the report, titled “Silencing the Messenger: 2014 Annual Report on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders in China.”
    “We see the unfolding and taking hold of Xi’s strongman policies toward any dissent, especially organized dissent.”
    Though Xi pledged to “rule the country with law,” his government both ignored the law and manipulated the legal system to deny the public’s right to exercise basic liberties, CHRD said, adding that those who challenged the system were punished through torture, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, intimidation and other forms of mistreatment.
    According to the report, nearly as many confirmed cases—about  1,000—of arbitrary detention of rights activists occurred in 2014 as in the previous two years combined, with police detaining more than 200 around the 25th anniversary of the June 4 crackdown on Tiananmen Square and amid pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong during the fall.
    More human rights lawyers—at least nine—were detained in 2014 than in any other single year since the early 2000s, it said, adding that authorities also targeted the lawyers who represented them.
    Additionally, detained rights activists experienced a systematic violation of due process, with many cases involving “unreasonably” prolonged pre-trial detentions, restricted access to lawyers, and deprivation of medical treatment, CHRD said.
    The group highlighted China’s attempt to obstruct nongovernmental organizations from asking the U.N. Human Rights Council to inquire about the case of activist Cao Shunli, who died in police custody in March last year following efforts to pressure the government to abide by its international obligations on the protection of human rights.
    Minorities targeted
    The government further intensified its “systematic oppression” of ethnic Uyghurs and Tibetans, and worked to bolster its control of China’s restive western regions as part of what it called “anti-terrorism campaigns,” the report said, noting the life sentence handed to moderate Uyghur economics professor Ilham Tohti in September.
    “A central way to try to control these groups has been for authorities to clamp down on their free expression and media communications,” it said, adding that of the 44 journalists reportedly imprisoned in China at the end of 2014, more than half are ethnic Uyghurs or Tibetans.
    Meanwhile, CHRD said, Christians and other faith communities continued to face persecution meant to cut down on the growing popularity of their spiritual practices.
    Authorities tightened control over the media, increased surveillance of the Internet and further restricted online and cellular communications in 2014, it said.
    Nongovernmental organizations and other independent institutions felt greater pressure from authorities, while a number of them were shut down and affiliated individuals were detained.
    Recommendations
    CHRD called on the U.N. Human Rights Council, which is meeting in Geneva this month, to investigate the Chinese government’s “systematic and gross violations of human rights under Xi Jinping’s leadership.”
    The group also urged China to release all rights activists; protect the right to freedom of expression, assembly, and association; ensure legal protections for rights lawyers and detainees; and end impunity for officials who torture or mistreat activists in detention.
    It also said China should ensure that civil society members can participate in U.N. human rights activities free of harassment; end suppression and discriminatory policies against ethnic minorities; and ensure that all Chinese citizens can exercise freedom of religion.

    Chinese Police Shoot Four Uyghurs Dead After Casino Knife Attack


    RFA Uyghur Service  Authorities in northwestern China’s restive Xinjiang region have shot dead four ethnic minority Uyghurs who carried out a knife attack on a group of Han Chinese outside a popular casino, according to a police officer and local doctors.

    The incident, in which police wounded another two Uyghurs, took place on March 12 at the Chess Room casino in western Xinjiang’s Kashgar (in Chinese, Kashi) city, the sources told RFA’s Uyghur Service Monday, confirming the attack despite a media clampdown on the region during the annual meeting of China’s annual parliamentary session.
    “The group tried to attack people inside casino, but they failed to enter because the security guards immediately closed the door, so the group attacked bystanders in front of the establishment,” said a police officer from Kashgar’s Shamalbagh police station, which has jurisdiction over the area.
    “The place was populated by Han Chinese and eight people were injured,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
    The group also set fire to two motorcycles and two cars belonging to Han Chinese before authorities arrived and confronted them, he said.
    “Within 10 minutes, our police reached the area, shooting and killing four of the six attackers,” the officer said.
    “The eight injured [victims] were transferred to the Kashgar No. 1 Hospital.”
    Physicians at the hospital confirmed that eight injured Han Chinese had been admitted for medical treatment following the attack.
    Li Zhuren, head of the emergency department at Kashgar No. 1, said at least two of the victims were in critical condition.
    “Four of the eight victims were seriously injured in the attack and two of them are currently in critical condition,” he said.
    “Only two of the four who received less serious wounds have fully recovered and left the hospital, while the other six are still being treated.”
    Qasimjan Tursun, another doctor at Kashgar No. 1, confirmed that the eight victims had been admitted on March 12, but said he was unclear what had happened to the attackers.
    “I heard that the two attackers who were captured by police were also wounded in the shooting, but I haven’t seen them among the injured,” he said.
    “It may be that they were taken to other hospitals. We can’t ask too many questions about such sensitive incidents, but witnesses said one of the two [captured] suspects was seriously injured.”
    Reports of the attack initially circulated on Chinese social media last week, becoming the fifth incident known to have occurred in the region during the March 3-15 National People’s Congress in Beijing to be revealed that way.
    Recent attack
    Last week, officials told RFA that police in Xinjiang’s Hotan (Hetian) prefecture shot and killed as many as seven ethnic Uyghurs who had been “acting suspiciously” while they gathered at a restaurant on March 9, prompting a security clampdown.
    They said the incident was sparked when members of a county-level state security unit demanded to search the men, prompting one of them to pull a knife and kill a police officer.
    The incident drew immediate condemnation from the Munich-based World Uyghur Congress (WUC) exile group, which expressed concern that authorities had restricted access to information about the killings.
    The WUC called on the international community to undertake an independent investigation into the shootings in Hotan, noting that residents in the area had been warned by authorities to remain silent about the incident and to ensure that they don’t disclose any details to the media.
    China has in recent years launched a series of “strike hard” campaigns in Xinjiang in the name of the fight against separatism, religious extremism and terrorism.
    The targets of these campaigns, the minority Turkic-speaking, Muslim Uyghurs, complain of pervasive ethnic discrimination, religious repression, and cultural suppression by China’s communist government.
    Uyghurs say they chafe under strict police scrutiny and controls on their movements and violent clashes with authorities are not uncommon in the region.
    Reported by Shohret Hoshur for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by Shohret Hoshur. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

    Official’s Boast About Chinese Policies in Xinjiang Has Some Uyghurs Crying Foul


    china-hotan-swat-team-patrol-june6-2014RFA Uyghur Service  Ethnic Uyghurs from Hotan have dismissed a government representative’s rosy account of Chinese policies in northwest China’s restive Xinjiang region.
    Aizezi Musa, a representative from Xinjiang who participated in the recent National People’s Congress, China’s annual parliamentary session on March 5-15 in Beijing, praised Beijing’s policies in an interview with state-run newspaper Global Times on violence in the region, bonus points awarded to Uyghurs on the country’s National College Entrance Examination, and regional development.
    “Aizezi Musa lied and talked against the millions of Uyghurs for his own benefit,” a Uyghur farmer from Hotan, who declined to be named, told RFA’s Uyghur Service, responding to comments the official made. “A lot of people, including my neighbor’s friends can’t live freely. They were worried about their safety day and night until they fled from their own land. We don’t know where they are.”
    Hotan (Hetian in Chinese) prefecture in southwestern part of Xinjiang has been a hotbed of violent stabbing and shooting incidents between ethnic, mostly Muslim Uyghurs and Chinese security forces, with attacks coming amid a string of assaults and bombings across the region, formally called the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.
    Musa, who is on the administrative commission of Hotan prefecture, had commented that the display of violence and deaths of innocent people in Hotan indicated “a radical and extremist mindset [among Uyghurs] that is basically opposite to the unanimous teachings of Islam.”
    “When there are terrorist attacks in Xinjiang, some Western scholars apply double standards and make irresponsible remarks and accusations against China’s policy toward ethnic groups,” he told Global Times. “They indeed view China’s ethnic theories and policies in a biased way.”
    But the Uyghur farmer said whenever a conflict between Chinese and Uyghurs erupts, the government always blames the Uyghurs.
    “Some of the police are aware of the injustices against the Uyghurs when they arrest us,” he said, adding that he was once arrested for attending a Friday prayer service.
    A Uyghur police officer tried to help him, but a Chinese one would not let him release the farmer, he said.
    “Aizezi Musa knows about these situations,” the farmer told RFA. “In fact, all the government workers and Uyghur puppets governing us know how China oppresses Uyghurs. If there is no oppression why do most of the Uyghurs hate their lives?”
    Mehmetjan Osman, acting president of the Canada-based East Turkistan government in exile, also hit out at Musa’s comments on the connection between religion and violence resistance.
    “The Uyghur struggle has nothing to do with religious radicalism,” he told RFA. “All Uyghur resistance fighters are fighting to get freedom for their people from Chinese colonialism and oppression. Of course, Uyghurs are Muslims, and Islam is reflected in their resistance.”
    No bonus points for Musa
    The farmer also denounced Musa’s comments about bonus points awarded to ethnic minority students on the National College Entrance Examination, which has given some Xinjiang students access to the same education as that of their counterparts in China’s developed eastern coastal areas.
    He called the policy “poisonous.”
    “If they want to help Uyghurs and want to provide high-quality education, why don’t they bring that education to Uyghurs and build schools here?,” he asked. “Why do they have to separate young kids from their families and their culture at young age? The purpose of the Chinese government is to assimilate Uyghurs and destroy our culture and religion by changing our kids.”
    The farmer also denounced Musa’s comments on China’s adoption of a slew of preferential policies that provide funds, technology and aid to undeveloped regions like Xinjiang.
    In 2010, Xinjiang set up a mechanism under which 19 provinces or major cities, including prosperous Beijing, Shanghai and Guangdong Province, would provide financial and technological support to the autonomous region, Musa said.
    But the farmer from Hotan said most Uyghurs, and especially farmers, never see the financial assistance, and the policy has amounted to the Chinese moving in and taking the region’s resources.
    “What we have seen from China’s development of Xinjiang is an increased Chinese police and army presence, increased Chinese teachings in Uyghur schools, and a hugely increased Chinese population in our lands,” he said.
    “The Chinese government said it is investing in and developing us. What are they developing? What this really means for Uyghurs is stealing our natural resources.”
    As an example, he cited Chinese companies and private Chinese investors digging tons of gold every year from Hotan gold-producing area.
    Other recent clashes
    Clashes and other incidents involving Chinese police or security forces and Hotan’s Uyghur residents have occurred this year.
    Last week, police shot and killed as many as seven ethnic Uyghurs who had been “acting suspiciously” while they gathered at a restaurant in Qaraqash (Moyu in Chinese) county, prompting a security clampdown.
    In February, a Uyghur farmer on his way to work in the fields was shot and killed by police in Bashquduqla village of Purchaqchi town in Hotan after he pulled a knife on officers attempting to detain him for acting “suspicious,” sources told RFA.
    The month before, three Uyghur teenagers had killed three unarmed security personnel after the teenagers failed to stop at a security checkpoint in Keriye county (Yutian in Chinese) and resisted efforts to detain them.
    Reported by RFA’s Uyghur Service. Written in English by Roseanne Gerin.

    Two Uighur women killed by Chinese police, says report


    turkestan-uighurWorld Bulletin  Chinese police shot dead two Uighur women during a raid on the outskirts of Guangzhou just hours before a knife attack at the southern city’s main rail station, local media reported on Sunday.
    The March 5 operation saw police arrest more than a dozen Uighur men when officers swooped on Xiniujiao village, near the capital of Guangdong province, witnesses told the Hong Kong-based Sunday Morning Post.
    Hours later, 13 people were injured when three knife-wielding men attacked people at random at Guangzhou rail station. One suspect was shot dead and another arrested.
    Police have not publicly discussed the ethnicity of the attackers or linked the raid with the knife attacks but locals told the Post the two were connected.
    A property agent told the newspaper: “Right after the arrest, you see the railway station attack the very next morning. Of course they are related.”
    The Chinese authorities have blamed previous knife attacks in public places on Uighur separatists, such as the March 2014 attacks at Kunming train station in Yunnan province that left 31 people dead and 141 wounded.
    The Post reported a leaked police document circulating online as saying: “Two knife-holding women resisted arrest and were shot by police. One was killed on site with the other one pronounced dead after being treated by hospital. No police were hurt.”
    Describing the rail station attack, the report said two suspects who appeared to be Uighur attacked civilians on the morning of March 6. One was shot dead and the other was arrested. It confirmed a third man was at large.
    The briefing document also mentioned a series of failed attempts to smuggle Uighur out of China through Macao, 145 kilometers (90 miles) south of Guangzhou.
    The attacks at Guangzhou were the second set of attacks at the city’s rail station within a year. An assailant wounded six people in May last year.
    China has launched a crackdown focusing on the western East Turkistan autonomous region, home to a sizeable Uighur Muslim minority, which activists say is a smokescreen for repression and has led to many Uighur seeking to leave China.
    The Uighur are a mostly Muslim ethnic Turkic group that constitutes around 45 percent of Xinjiang’s population.

    中国人在波尔多拥有100多个酒庄

    中国人在波尔多拥有100多个酒庄

    新疆莎车武装部长及家人被砍死 7袭击者被警察击毙



    m0811-xl1p.jpg
    2014年7月31日,新疆喀什街头荷枪实弹的特警。(AFP)














    新疆喀什地区莎车县塔尕尔其乡政府武装部部长及家人3月8号被维族人袭击致死。警方当场开枪射杀七名袭击者。莎车县公安局指挥中心本周三对本台证实事件。另有多名伤者在县医院治疗。当局目前严密封锁消息。

    据本台维语部星期二报道,3月8日在新疆莎车县发生暴力袭击事件,有11人死亡。

    在事件中,一位年约40岁的乡政府武装部长在参加亲友聚会后,回家时被一群维族袭击者用刀砍死,他的叔父和妻子也被砍死,只有9岁的女儿幸存。另一位跟随这名武装部长的保安人员也被砍死。公安开枪射杀在现场的七名袭击者。

    本台星期三致电莎车县回城派出所,向一位公安查询。对方称,案件由国保负责,并叫记者向上级领导查询。

    记者:在塔尕尔其乡发生的袭击事件?

    公安:你问我们的领导吧,应该由国保,不是我们派出所负责。你去国保大队问一下。

    记者:现在的尸体怎么处理?

    公安:我不知道。

    记者:你们没有出警吗?

    公安:没有,没有。

    记者多次致电塔尕尔其乡政府、中学及当地企业,对方得知记者查询内容后,立即挂断电话。而县政府部门得悉记者查询时,也立即挂线。当地一位汉族人告诉记者,当地媒体没有报道这起事件。

    记者转向莎车县公安局指挥中心查询袭击事件。公安说,事发3月8日,现由刑警队负责。

    记者:我问一下,3月9日发生的袭击事件,哪一个部门在处理?

    指挥中心:3月8日吧。

    记者:哦,3月8日,哪一个部门在处理。

    指挥中心:刑警大队。

    记者:想核实一下死伤人数,是11人死,还是……?

    指挥中心:请问你是哪一位?

    记者:是记者,想了解一下。

    指挥中心:这个我们无法奉告。

    据当地一位不愿具名及录音的居民告诉记者,有伤者在县医院治疗。记者就此致电县医院办公室。对方没有否认医院收治了伤者,称“不方便说”。

    记者:3月8日发生恐怖袭击,受伤的人是不是住在你们医院?

    医院:这个不好意思,我不方便跟你讲。

    记者:哦,现在他们的伤势情况如何,您可以说吗?

    医院:不可以。

    记者:现在他们出院了吗?

    医院:这个我不太清楚。

    记者:送进来几个人,您知道吗?

    医院:我也不太清楚。不好意思,你再也别问了,我这里不方便告诉你。

    总部在德国的世界维吾尔代表大会发言人迪里夏提周三告诉记者,多名伤者仍在医院治疗,由于当局严密封锁消息,具体情况需要进一步了解。

    “从当地,我们获得的相关信息,有受伤者在莎车县医院,具体人数目前不详。我相信受伤者跟当地的警务、协警人员有直接的关系。当局至今并未对外公布。”

    在中国全国“两会”进行期间,新疆多地发生暴力冲突事件,死伤人数为历来所罕见。

    3月6日,吐鲁番托克逊县也发生维族人与警方冲突,造成一名警察及五名维族人死亡。9日,和田市墨玉县发生暴力事件,造成3人死亡。据称,在6日和9日的多起冲突中,至少导致27名维族人及7名警察死亡。而在此前的2月13日、16日及18日,和田地区皮山县、墨玉县及阿克苏拜城县分别发生爆炸及维族警民冲突,造成21名维族人及5名警察死亡。

    (特约记者:乔龙 责编:胡汉强/申铧)
    http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/yataibaodao/shaoshuminzu/ql1-03182015102732.html

    中央重点新闻网站清理关闭七千多个违规账号

    中国官方日前公布的数据显示,今年3月份以来,中国官方中央重点新闻网站人民网、新华网等共清理关闭了7000多个违规账号。有评论认为,中国当局在进一步收紧网络言论自由。

    中国国家互联网信息办公室网站3月18号发布消息说,自从中国《互联网用户账号名称管理规定》从3月1号正式实施以来,各中央重点新闻网站已通过升级技术系统、鼓励网民举报等方式,共处置了7000多个各类违法违规账号。

    其中,人民网处置了各类涉黄、涉赌、涉毒等违法违规账号近3400个;中国网共处置违法违规帐号2100个;中国青年网共处置冒用媒体名义发布虚假新闻、宣扬低俗文化、头像含淫秽色情信息等违规账号702个;法制网要求博客用户在收到管理员邀请后才能开通账号;新华网共清理账号名称涉及毒品、裸聊、出售手枪、代考、手机服务密码破解、办假证等违法违规账号200多个;中国日报网对注册用户、尤其是英文互动论坛中的海内外用户账号使用情况进行全面核查,同时鼓励网友通过发私信的方式,积极举报各类违规账号;“国际在线”的中文网重点排查游客登录名称,外文网德语论坛已实现用户实名注册。

    广东网民李先生3月18号晚间在接受本台记者采访时认为,中国官方近期以打击“黄、赌、毒”为名,展开系列清网行动,不过,其真实目的,是打压异议声音,进一步收紧网络言论自由。

    “主要目的还是加大对政治异议的打击力度。中共一向以其他冠冕堂皇的名义,比如寻衅滋事罪、扰乱社会秩序罪,来打压政治异议。现在的清网行动,也是如此。”

    中国国国家网信办此前发布的《互联网用户账号名称管理规定》要求互联网信息服务提供者按照“后台实名、前台自愿”的原则,对网民进行真实身份信息认证后注册账号;要求任何机构或个人注册和使用的网上账号名称,不得散布谣言,扰乱社会秩序、破坏社会稳定、侮辱诽谤他人、散布淫秽、色情、赌博、暴力、凶杀、恐怖或者教唆犯罪等。

    原美国中文网刊大参考主编李洪宽对此评论说:“(网络帐号)怎么管,用什么机构去管理这些东西,这是未知领域。现在中国政府一手包揽,很容易滑向专制。现在是一种选择性执法,它用相关法规去管它不喜欢的人。反正五毛可以随便骂人、随便捣乱,它不管。如果你宣传民主自由、揭露腐败,尤其是民间揭露腐败,它不允许,它就给你封掉帐号。所以真正的问题是:这个机构由谁来控制,它是代表真正的民意,还是专制统治的手段?”

    中国国家网信办此前公布的数据显示,今年2月,在《互联网用户账号名称管理规定》生效前,阿里巴巴、腾讯、百度、新浪等互联网企业突击删除了6万多个微博客、博客、论坛、贴吧和即时通信工具账号,理由是这些帐号的用户名违反了国家网信办的新规定。


    http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/yataibaodao/meiti/yl-03182015102944.html

    vendredi 13 mars 2015

    傀儡主席雪克来提•扎克尔的谎言/伊利夏提

    傀儡主席雪克来提•扎克尔的谎言/伊利夏提

    请看博讯热点:新疆问题 
    (博讯北京时间2015年3月12日 首发 - 支持此文作者/记者)

    昨天揭维吾尔自治区总督张春贤在记者会上的谎言,今天轮到该揭自治区傀儡主席雪克来提•扎克尔 了!

    和中国其他各省省长不一样,作为中国5大自治区行政第一把手的——自治区主席,基本上是无实权的傀儡,一切 都要看汉人书记的脸色办事;特别是两个中国热点自治区的主席:‘西藏’和‘新疆’的主席更甚,整个一个汉人 书记的跟屁虫、傀儡! 

    这是一个毫无疑问,众所周知的事实;中国官方及其喉舌媒体,也时不时以‘某某某铁腕治疆’、‘某某某柔性治 疆’等大标题的报道,佐证自治区主席是傀儡这一事实!实际上,中共似乎也无心刻意掩饰这一事实 !

    因此,对雪克来提•扎克尔的其他重复、咀嚼汉人官员有关自治区安全稳定的言论,我无心浪费笔墨揭其真假,事 实胜于雄辩,看看雪克来提•扎克尔老调重弹的言论就知道了!

    其实,雪克来提•扎克尔的主子——张春贤已经以自扇嘴巴的前后矛盾说法,揭了维吾尔自治区安全形势失控的事 实;傀儡雪克来提•扎克尔在自治区安全方面,绝不可能谈出超其主子的什么新意来。

    今天我要揭的是雪克来提•扎克尔,以模棱两可、未知可否之语气,暗示他是‘红色后代’的谎言? !

    雪克来提•扎克尔是否是‘红色后代’?如果是,他又是个什么样的‘红色后代’;他是否有什么不敢明说他是‘ 红色后代’的猫腻和龌龊!

    限于篇幅,我只简单揭示雪克来提•扎克尔及中国媒体暗中兜售其为‘红色后代’的荒谬、无耻。

    先看雪克来提•扎克尔回答凤凰卫视有关其是否因红色后代,而起死回生,由惯常的等待退休的自治区人大主任职 位,突然时来运转,升任自治区主席的有关回答。

    “······,至于外界对我的评论,我觉得在座的都是红色后代,为什么这么说?新中国解放六十多年了,哪 一个不是在红旗下成长、在新中国长大?哪一个不是受党的教育、培养?

    像我这样年龄的一代人,是在新中国成立后成长起来的,我自然是红色后代。因此,不管外界如何评论,我相信像 我们这代人对党的事业是忠诚的,对人民的事业是忠诚的,对国家的事业是忠诚的。这几个忠诚一定会让我们把工 作做好。”

    雪克来提•扎克尔的父亲阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫(Abdulla Zakirof),上世纪三十年代末在苏联留学;上世纪四十年代初,阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫返回东突厥斯坦参加 东突厥斯坦民族独立战争;1944年11月12日东突厥斯坦共和国成立后,阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫作为积极参加 独立战争的一位维吾尔知识分子,曾经在东突厥斯坦第二共和国担任过职务;可以肯定,那时,阿卜杜拉∙扎科若 夫是一位热爱自由、独立的维吾尔自由战士!

    一位参加过东突厥斯坦独立战争的维吾尔自由战士,可以肯定,是侵略者——中国、及后继者、窃取中国政权之红 色中共的不共戴天之敌人!和中共侵略政权的‘红色’,不仅风马牛不相及,而且还对立!

    历史也以阿赫迈提江∙哈斯木(Ehmetjan Qasim)、阿卜杜克里姆∙阿巴索夫(Abdukerim *****uf)、伊斯哈克别克∙木奴诺夫(Ishaqbek Mununof)、达列利汉∙苏古尔巴耶夫(Delilqan Sugurbayuf)等东突厥斯坦共和国领导人被谋杀,以及后续的,以镇压反革命、反对地方民族主义、社 会主义教育、文化大革命等名义,以屠杀、抓捕、驱逐等方式,清洗参加过东突厥斯坦独立战争的、热爱自由正义 之民族主义老战士,见证了这一血的事实!

    因此,阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫,肯定,也不应该,属于中共现在所定义的红色阵营,其子孙也绝不是什 么红色后代!

    由此可以断定,雪克来提•扎克尔根本不是什么中共的红色后代!

    雪克来提•扎克尔和中共媒体,要么是故意在牵强附会、胡说八道!要么是企图混淆视听,制造一种东突厥斯坦维 吾尔人中也有红色后代的假象。中共御用媒体及雪克来提•扎克尔的模棱两可、暗示‘红色后代’的说法,是彻头 彻尾的谎言!

    与其说雪克来提•扎克尔是‘红色后代’,不如说雪克来提•扎克尔是背叛祖国——东突厥斯坦共和国、出卖民族 利益、背叛战友、以至于背叛自己理想的一个叛徒、逃兵——阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫之后代,更为接近 历史事实!

    雪克来提•扎克尔的父亲阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫,深谙汉人‘识时务者为俊杰’之真谛;在中共侵略政权在东突厥斯 坦站稳脚跟之后,审时度势、转换立场,背叛理想、追求;以出卖曾经为东突厥斯坦独立而共同在一个战壕里战斗 过的战友为代价,向侵略者投怀送抱、邀功请赏,得到侵略政权领导王震、王恩茂赏识而升官发财,五十年代末, 混至自治区副主席。

    雪克来提•扎克尔的父亲阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫,是中共侵略东突厥斯坦之后,在参加过东突厥斯坦独立战争维吾尔 人中, 49年年底发展的第一批中共党员。

    在五十年代末,在中共针对东突厥斯坦第二共和国老战士展开的所谓‘反对地方民族主义’清洗运动中;雪克来提 •扎克尔的父亲阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫配合中共侵略政权,上串下跳,颠倒黑白,背信弃义,积极参与了中共对参加 过东突厥斯坦独立运动老战士塞杜拉∙塞普拉耶夫(Seydulla Seypullayuf)、埃塞梯∙伊斯哈克夫(Eset Isahaquf)、孜亚∙赛麦迪(Ziya Samedi)、穆哈姆德伊敏∙伊明诺夫(Muhemmetimin Iminuf)等的镇压迫害。

    说雪克来提•扎克尔是一个两面三刀民族叛徒的后代一点不过分!

    据历史资料,雪克来提•扎克尔的父亲阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫,在苏联学习期间还加入过联共(布),是苏共党员; 还有一些资料显示,雪克来提•扎克尔的父亲阿卜杜拉∙扎科若夫很可能是克格勃间谍!

    一个苏共党员、克格勃的后代,怎么可能是既羡慕又仇恨苏俄之毛贼泽东黑帮中共的‘红色后代’呢?滑天下之大 稽,笑话! [博讯首发,转载请注明出处]- 支持此文作者/记者(博讯 boxun.com)
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