lundi 23 mars 2015

How a Chinese Rock Musician Brought Uyghur Food to Boston



March 20, 2015 / 4:00 pm
By Brent Crane
Payzulla Polat doesn’t want to talk about politics. And who can blame him? If his homeland of Xinjiang—a massive frontier province in northwest China—is ever in the news, it’s for terrorist attacks and human rights violations. He prefers to talk about music and food.
The 33-year-old Boston resident is the owner of Uyghur Kitchen, the only Uyghur food truck in America. Uyghurs (pronounced wee-gur) are a Turkic, mostly Muslim ethnic minority in China, but the dominant ethnic group in Xinjiang. To say that they don’t get along well with the Chinese government would be an understatement.
Payzulla Polat. Photo by Brent Crane.
The Uyghurs are among the world’s most persecuted minorities. Many of them desire an independent state, though they might not say it to your face; security forces in China regularly imprison outspoken Uyghurs, oftentimes on baseless charges of “separatism” and “extremism.” Tensions between Uyghurs and the Chinese government remain high and sometimes result in violence, which erupted when I was there last summer. In our post-9/11 world, the Uyghurs are China’s terrorist scapegoats, the Islamic boogeymen with dark skin and scary beards.
But Polat doesn’t have a beard or any apparent political agenda. He has a brand-new food truck and a chalkboard menu offering rice pilaf dishes, kebabs, and chicken and lamb wraps filled with tomato, onions, lettuce, and yogurt sauce. It’s a small slice of home in a place nothing like it.
Photo courtesy of Uyghur Kitchen.
We are squeezed into his food truck after a busy lunch rush outside a tech startup in Cambridge, Massachusetts. His food truck partner and longtime friend Kamil, a Uyghur artist recently arrived from Xinjiang, packs up the metalware around us as Polat tells me about his life before Uyghur Kitchen.
Polat left China in 2008 at the age of 27 and relocated to Los Angeles to attend the LA Music Academy. A music virtuoso, he got his first professional gig as a teenager, playing bass in Beijing for a flamenco-rhumba-Uyghur fusion band called Afangi. “The other bandmates were like 35,” he recalls. “I was kind of the son of the band.” He speaks English—his third language after Uyghur and Mandarin—with a slightly Californian accent.
Photo courtesy of Uyghur Kitchen.
As a kid, Polat was enamored by tape cassettes of Metallica and Poison brought in from Russia—rare finds in China then. “One day it was like, ‘Look at these dudes, they’ve got long hair and a jacket and chains, but they’re cool, man!’” He was hooked. The son of a painter and a musician, Polat was sent to art school as an adolescent to study bass in the music department, and then relocated to Beijing to play with Afangi. “It was a good time. We had a lot of success; a lot of festivals and touring.”
Polat’s reputation as a reliable bass player spread, and people began offering him projects, including a spot in the Uyghur rock band Gray Wolf. They garnered a significant degree of fame as they appeared on TV shows, played festivals, and toured through Asia and Europe. (Here’s a video of Grey Wolf playing in Beijing. Polat can be seen slapping the bass around the 4:00 mark.)
Photo courtesy of Uyghur Kitchen.
The musician-turned-food-trucker sees similarities between his two trades. “It’s the same thing. When you mix a song, you put in reverb, delay, EQ, compression, whatever; it’s just like you put salt and pepper on food. If you put in too much, that’s gonna ruin the whole thing. And if the tune itself is good, you don’t need to put anything on it, you know?”
Polat also sees himself as a cultural ambassador. “A lot of people are getting to know Uyghurs through my food. They didn’t know us before,” he says, “Most of the time they pronounce Uyghur ‘yogurt.’”
When I ask the final customer of the lunch rush, a well-dressed twenty-something from the tech startup nearby, if he’s ever heard of the Uyghurs, he chuckles, “No. What, are they from Turkey or something?”
It’s not a bad guess; Uyghur food is similar to Turkish. They are both generally halal, and contain a lot of spiced and roasted lamb, beef, and chicken kebabs. But it is Xinjiang’s geographical location that makes its food stand out. With Russia to the north, Central Asia to the west, Tibet to the south, and China to the east, Uyghur cuisine carries elements from all of its neighbors. Its meaty noodle soups show Chinese influence. Its flatbread (called nang in Uyghur), baked on the inside wall of a circular oven, shows influence from the Arab world, brought to Xinjiang through Central Asia. And its samsa, mutton-stuffed bread dumplings cooked in the nang ovens, point north to Russia.
Photo by Brent Crane.
Due to strict food regulations, Polat’s only allowed to serve a limited menu in Boston, so he sticks to kebabs and wraps. He had come up with the idea for a Uyghur food truck years ago while out in California. “In Los Angeles, there’s a lot of food trucks down there, you know?” he says. “That’s where I got the idea to start my own food truck with Uyghur food.” After he graduated music school in LA, he came to Boston in 2009 to attend the Berklee College of Music on a scholarship. At the time, the food truck scene was virtually nonexistent. But after a couple years, more and more of them began to appear, going from just a handful in 2011 to around 100 today, according to Polat. He finally decided to get in on the action last spring.
Now a year in, the business is going well. Setting up outside corporate offices and festivals is making Polat good money to support his wife and two kids. He’s heading into his final semester at Berklee, and a month ago began playing in a jazz-rock band called Background Orcs.
In the cramped Uyghur Kitchen truck, Polat starts preparing a lamb wrap for me. Being an annoying reporter, I ask him once more about the political situation in his homeland. “I don’t want to talk about politics man,” he says, “Just music, food, and my culture.”

Uyghurs Arrested in Indonesia to be Tried, Sent to China


    By Aditya Surya and Zahara Tiba
    2015-03-19
    Four Uyghurs arrested by Indonesia over their alleged links to the Islamic State (IS) terror group will be put on trial in Jakarta and then returned to China, BenarNews has learned.
    The four, picked up on Sulawesi island on September 13, 2014, will be charged under anti-terrorism laws, according to Irfan Idris, a spokesman for the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT).
    The four are suspected of funding travel by Indonesian citizens to join IS, he said.
    “They will be prosecuted. Once the indictment is completed, they will be returned to China. After that, it’s up to the Chinese government whether they want to detain them, sentence them to death, or free them. It depends on the laws in force there,” Irfan told BenarNews after a BNPT event in Jakarta on Thursday.
    The Uyghurs are a Muslim minority within China, and mostly live in the western Xinjiang region. Uyghurs also are spread across Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan.
    The four suspects were arrested, along with three Indonesians, in the remote Poso regency of Central Sulawesi province – a hotbed of terrorist activity, according to Indonesian officials.
    “They could be linked with terrorism or the international militant organization ISIS,” police spokesman Boy Rafli Amar told reporters a day after their arrest, using another acronym for the Islamic State terror group.
    The four entered Indonesia through Malaysia with false Turkish passports purchased for $1,000 each in Thailand, authorities said at the time.
    China keenly interested
    China wants the four to be repatriated, and the BNPT has been working with the Chinese government on the matter, Irfan said.
    “We have gone there several times to coordinate with them. They have also visited here. We have agreed to find a good solution,” he said.
    Chinese officials claim that about 300 Uyghurs from Xinjiang have joined IS.
    The ruling Chinese Communist Party Secretary in Xinjiang said last week that “extremists from Xinjiang who have joined the Islamic State” in the Middle East had been arrested after they returned home.
    Rights groups accuse Chinese authorities of heavy-handed rule in Xinjiang, including violent police raids on Uyghur households, restrictions on Islamic religious practice, and curbs on the culture and language of the Uyghur people.
    Irfan of the BNPT said the Chinese were worried about the spread of IS on their soil, since the province is near Pakistan and Afghanistan.
    “Just like in Indonesia, a country that is not safe cannot develop,” he said.
    He said he hoped a decision would be taken soon about dates for the prosecution.
    “No further steps have been taken. We are awaiting the decision of the police,” he said.
    Police also confirmed that the Uyghurs will be put on trial in Jakarta.
    “They face charges under Law No. 9, 2013 on the Prevention and Combatting of Terrorism Financing, based on their activities in Poso. And if it’s proven that they used false Turkish passports, they can be charged under Law No. 6, 2011 on Immigration,” police spokesman Rikwanto told BenarNews.
    The charges have been handed to a court in Jakarta, and “they are still waiting for a trial date,” Rikwanto said.
    ‘Terror allegations’
    Uyghur advocates based in the United States say China has trumped up allegations of “Uyghur terrorism” to justify repression in Xinjiang province.
    “Governments and multi-lateral agencies must strengthen their support for Uyghur rights by treating China’s terror allegations with utmost skepticism and challenging Chinese officials on their appalling human rights record in East Turkestan,” Alim Setyoff, president of the Uyghur American Association, said in Washington on Monday.
    Many Uyghurs living in China and in exile refer to Xinjiang as East Turkestan, because the region came under final control by China following two short-lived East Turkestan republics in the 1930s and 1940s.
    Last year, Beijing intensified its targeting of Uyghurs with an "anti-terror" campaign in Xinjiang, Amnesty International said in its annual global human rights report.
    As many as 700 people are believed to have been killed in political violence in the Xinjiang region from 2013-2014, with ethnic Uyghurs three times as likely as Han Chinese to have died in clashes, the Washington-based Uyghur Human Rights Project (UHRP) reported earlier this month.
    Chinese state-controlled media reported that less than a third of the clashes took place in that time period, and described more than two-thirds of the 37 incidents it did report on as "terrorist" events, UHRP said.

    See what life is like in a Chinese capital city that’s been ravaged by explosive racial tensions


    uighurs-in-urumqi-2Cathaleen Chen  In Urumqi, the capital of China’s northwestern province Xinjiang, residents are still recovering from a violent riot five summers ago between the minority Turkic Muslims — the Uighurs — and the majority Han people.
    A Uighur protest against discrimination turned into violent backlash against Han people, the victims of whom were mostly Han store owners and bystanders. The government reported that 197 people died, but witnesses say that number is far greater.
    Even today, the tension is palpable. But its roots go way back, before the radical Islamic separatists and before the policies of the Communist government. Rather, the backdrop of the issue is thousands of years of repressive history that created deep socioeconomic disparities between the Uighurs and the Hans.
    After the Cultural Revolution, the People’s Republic of China deemed all 56 Chinese ethnic groups as equal, with equal rights. In turn, ethnic minorities attained certain legal privileges. For instance, Uighur families are not subject to the only child law and can have up to three kids. Affirmative action measures offer minority students extra points on the formidable college entrance exam. Other laws require corporations and institutions to have a Uighur cafeteria, as Islam prohibits the consumption of pork.
    Faruke, an English-speaking Uighur employee of a transportation company, said the Chinese state preaches equality but has not allowed it to manifest. He called the government “cosmetic artists.”
    “Policy is good at superficial things, but behind the wall, things are the same — income disparity and opportunity gaps,” he said.
    The problem in Xinjiang is not solely radical Islam or separatist dissent or even the inhibiting rule of communism. Much of it lies in poverty, unemployment and inequality — and it’s far uglier and much more nuanced than political rhetoric.
    These photos aim to capture the tenuous but colorful integration of Uighur culture as part of a Han-dominant society.
    Cathaleen Chen is a senior at Northwestern University studying journalism. In 2013, she traveled to her home province of Xinjiang to explore the divide between the two cultures.

    Uyghurs: Prisoners of the Absurd, a tale of three mens’ incredible odyssey to freedom


    Film-review-Guantanamo-Bay-Camp-Delta-prison
    By Jessica Purkiss  It is 2001 and a group of men escaping persecution from the Chinese authorities journey to Afghanistan and Pakistan seeking refuge. They are all Uyghurs, a persecuted minority of Turkic-speaking Muslims who live predominantly in the autonomous Chinese region of Xinjiang. They do not know that terrorists have just attacked the twin towers in New York – an event which will change the course of their lives.
    In reaction to the attack, the US invades Afghanistan on a mission to dismantle Al-Qaeda and remove the Taliban from power, offering large monetary awards for information on terrorists operating in the region. Strangers in the land, they find themselves easy targets for those hungry for the reward money – the Uyghur are sold as “terrorists” to the United States. Twenty-two Uyghur men are captured this way and taken to Guantanamo Bay, the notorious US military prison.
    From northern China to Guantanamo, Cuba, this new documentary by Patricio Henríquez, which will be showcased during the Human Rights Watch Film Festival in London on the 22 and 24 March, maps the incredible odyssey of three of these “prisoners of the absurd” as they navigate their way to freedom through a complex maze of international politico-economic interests that have nothing to do with them. The men; Abu Bakker Qassum, Khalil Mamut and Ahmat Abdulahad, are quickly understood to be innocent by their US interrogators but they are to languish behind bars for many more years.
    The documentary charts the defining of Guantanamo defendants as “unlawful combatants” (meaning they are deprived of rights outlined in the Geneva Convention) and US President Barack Obama’s failed pledge to close the facility. In doing so it successfully highlights the very lawlessness at the core of Guantanamo’s existence.
    Pieced together from interviews with the men and those who fought to free them, you see an intimate account of their journey and the emotional struggle that comes with it- although some viewers may find the use of interviews throughout the whole documentary a little dry.
    The men detail the abuse they suffer at the hands of US interrogators – their accounts of life in Guantanamo are harrowing. They end up in Camp 6, described as a “dungeon beneath the ground” or “the tomb” to prisoners, where sunlight is an utter luxury. For viewers of this documentary, it will however most likely be their continued imprisonment despite their established innocence that will shock.
    Henríquez should be praised for carefully constructing this tale, which unravels like a kafka-esque nightmare. The men wake up in part from this nightmare and find unlikely homes across the globe, albeit, in the words of one former detainee, with the best years of their life having passed them by. As viewers, we are left shocked at the utter injustice the Uyghurs faced and questioning the US’s response to the 9/11 attacks.

    Rabiye Qadir Xanim Erkinlik Xatire Künide (1-qisim)

    jeudi 19 mars 2015

    The World Uyghur Congress Marks 10th Anniversary of President Rebiya Kadeer’s Release from Chinese Prison


    Press Release – For immediate release
    16 March 2015
    Contact: World Uyghur Congress www.uyghurcongress.org
    0049 (0) 89 5432 1999 or contact@uyghurcongress.org
    logo-wuc-transparente (1)
    The World Uyghur Congress (WUC) marks March 17, 2015, as the 10th anniversary of the release of the current WUC president, Ms. Rebiya Kadeer from an eight-year prison sentence. Ms. Kadeer continues to inspire those that fight for justice and democracy in and out of China as she leads the Uyghur Democracy Movement forward.
    Her release represents the collective strength of the Uyghur people and the persistence exhibited when facing a strong adversary, but also illustrates the continued adversity that all Uyghur people face on a daily basis. Thousands of Uyghurs remain in prison on dubious charges, having been forced through an opaque legal system that effectively erases those that enter it.
    Rebiya Kadeer, now 69 years old, has bee a steadfast supporter of Uyghur rights and a major contributor to women’s rights in China as she founded the “Thousand Mothers Movement” in 1997, primarily as a means of promotion of female-specific job training and employment opportunites for women. Before that, she grew her own trading company and department store in Urumqi from scratch into a multi-million dollar business.
    Ms. Kadeer served as UAA president from 2006 to 2011 and is the president of the World Uyghur Congress. After her release, she founded the International Uyghur Human Rights and Democracy Foundation and has traveled worldwide communicating Uyghur human rights concerns.
    Initial support was given to Ms. Kadeer as she worked within the Chinese state system, but their relationship soured when she criticized the state’s treatment of Uyghurs during a National People’s Political Consultative Conference session in 1997 as well as the recent harsh crackdown on student protests in Ghulja which resulted in hundred of fatalities.
    Ms. Kadeer would subsequently be detained on August 11, 1999, on her way to a meeting with members of an American delegation of congressional staff. By March 10, 2000, the Urumqi People’s Court would sentence her to eight years in prison ostensibly for “illegally providing state intelligence abroad”. The charges were of course unfounded, with almost no judicial oversight in the ultimate decision – which has developed into an even more significant problem. 
    In 2000, Human Rights Watch honored Ms. Kadeer as a human rights monitor. In 2004, Norway’s Rafto Foundation honored her with the Rafto Award.
    Ms. Kadeer’s eventual release was ultimately a product of widespread international effortsin opposition to the Chinese government’s attitude. The US government as well as the European Union were instrumental in consistently raising the issue to the international community through the passing of resolutions and writing of letters to Chinese government officials. Other international organizations, such as Amnesty International, also played a major role, alongside international Uyghur organizations that lobbied their respective governments against Ms. Kadeer’s detention.
    The WUC would like to extend its thanks to those who worked tirelessly and campaigned to ensure her eventual release. This case truly exemplifies how the international community is able to come together and succeed in its struggle for the respect for human rights.
    Despite her release, Ms. Kadeer’s family has been a constant target of persecution by the Chinese government, especially since she relocated to the United States. One of her sons, Ablikim Abdiriyim, remains in prison on dubious charges, with credible evidence that he has been subjected to torture. Two other of Ms. Kadeer’s sons, Alim and Kahar were also sentenced to prison terms back in 2006. Such persecution has little to do with genuine crimes committed, but as retribution for her speaking out for justice and human rights.
    Arbitrary arrests remain a significant problem in East Turkestan and have only been escalating with the introduction of China’s anti-extremism legislation and counter-terror legislation which has disproportionately affected thousands of innocent Uyghurs. China’s Chief Prosecutor in the region proudly boasted that arrests in East Turkestan doubled as compared to 2013, as a direct result of its new counter-terror campaign, stating that over 27,000 “terror suspects” were arrested in 2014, despite providing no substantive information about the nature of the arrests.
    Uyghur academic, Ilham Tohti, remains in prison on a life term, despite strong calls from the international community for his release. His case is significant in that he was charged for “separatism” by the Chinese government, despite having never made public claims for the independence of the region from China. His case must be seen within the context of a paranoid government that wishes to send a clear signal to those who wish to, however mildly, criticize state policy.
    The case of Uyghur author, Nurmuhammet Yasin shows the tight constraints placed on artistic freedom. The jailing of Abdukiram Abduweli and Alimjan Yimit are demonstrative of the curbs place on religious rights in East Turkestan.
    We must look to leaders like Rebiya Kadeer in these trying times as a beacon for what can be achieved if we are able to act together in solidarity. Her case provides hope for those that may feel they have none. Ms. Kadeer has since been steadfast in her activism and support of the Uyghur people as she continues to speak out to inspire change.
    The international community must continue to come together to offer support for the promotion of human rights in East Turkestan. Dissent has been effectively curtailed within China, so there is little chance that change will develop within. We must all act together to pressure China to discontinue its harshly discriminatory policies so that true peace and stability may come to the region at last.

    Detention of Rights Activists in China Soared in 2014, Report Says



    17sino-detain-tmagArticle
    By Michael Forsythe  The Chinese authorities last year detained more people advocating greater civic rights than at any time since at least the mid-1990s, a United States-based organization said in a new report.
    The rights activists encompass a broad group of people, including opponents of sexual discrimination, groups pushing for migrant workers’ rights and people who argue for better treatment of ethnic minorities. They are increasingly being detained, often without formal charges, amid growing suspicion of independent civic groups that lie outside the control of the governing Communist Party, according to the report by Chinese Human Rights Defenders.
    The group documented at least 955 rights advocates who were detained in China in 2014, almost as many as the 1,160 it counted in the previous two years combined. The rise coincided withCommunist Party directives aimed at curtailing what the party views as foreign influences such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press and intellectual freedom at universities, the report said.
    “Those who demanded to exercise their fundamental rights or challenge the increasingly repressive system faced government retaliation, including the use of torture, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, intimidation and other forms of mistreatment,” the group said.
    The report is significant because it quantifies the human toll of a continuing crackdown on independent rights advocates that began soon after President Xi Jinping assumed power about two years ago. The 30-page report detailed dozens of cases, including the arrests of lawyers such as Xu Zhiyong, who was sentenced last year to four years in prison on charges of “gathering a crowd to disturb public order,” after he organized a group that channeled public discontent over corruption and social injustices.
    The report captures only a small slice of the Chinese citizens detained each year, focusing on a specific group — those who press for greater rights. Many thousands more also face arbitrary detention, including petitioners placed in extralegal “black jails” and minorities, such as in the western region of Xinjiang, detained in a continuing crackdown on ethnic unrest.