
dimanche 30 août 2015
samedi 29 août 2015
Uyghur Farmers Are Forced to Hunt For Fugitive Gunman
Radio Free Asia, 26 August 2015

Police in Hotan (in Chinese, Hetian) city’s Tosalla township on Aug. 20 issued a wanted notice for Ahmet Hudaberdi, 25, describing him only as an “escaped criminal,” though posts on social media said the man had fled police two days before after gunning down a state security official.
Local farmers and other Uyghur residents armed with clubs and sticks have now been pressed to join the search, local sources told RFA’s Uyghur Service this week.
“This guy committed a crime, killed a police officer, and escaped. But he has not been captured yet,” a township official told RFA.
“All farmers and government officials have now been mobilized,” he said.
“They have not captured him yet,” a local farmer told RFA. “We don’t know what kind of crime he committed, but they told us he is a criminal on the run and ordered us to help capture him.”
“Mostly it is the men who have been called to join in this campaign,” she said. “Farmers, government workers, all of them are there.”
“We were told that he was from Maja village, but we don’t know what he did,” she added.
Uyghur farmers have been ordered to join the search, “otherwise they will be punished,” she said.
“So everybody joined,” she said.
Cash rewards offered
Chinese authorities have announced that anyone providing a tip leading to Hudaberdi’s capture will receive a 100,000 (U.S. $15,575) yuan reward, adding that anyone found hiding the fugitive or helping him to escape will lose their land, another farmer said.
“If you capture him yourself, you will get 300,000 (U.S. $46,725) yuan,” she added.
“Since our men have been called to help in the search, we women must stay here to do the farm work. We have no choice.”
Officers on duty at local police stations hung up the phone after RFA reporters identified themselves, while a Chinese resident of Hotan refused to comment on the search.
“Don’t call me, as our phone conversations will be monitored, and someone may find you and investigate you,” he said.
Xinjiang, which is home to millions of Turkic-speaking Uyghurs, has seen an upsurge in violence that has left hundreds dead since 2012, and which China has blamed on terrorists and Islamic insurgents seeking to establish an independent state.
But rights groups accuse Chinese authorities of heavy-handed rule in Xinjiang, including violent police raids on Uyghur households, restrictions on Islamic practices, and curbs on the culture and language of the Uyghur people.
Reported by Jilil Musa for RFA’s Uyghur Service and by Qiao Long for the Mandarin Service. Translated by Mamatjan Juma and by Xiaoming Feng. Written in English by Richard Finney.
Indonesian Court Convicts Three Uyghurs on Terrorism-Related Charges

Uyghurs Ahmet Mahmut (front), Altinci Bayram (center) and Tuzer Abdul Basit (rear) walk to a courtroom in Jakarta ahead of verdicts in their cases over terrorism charges, July 13, 2015.
AFP
inIndonesia has sentenced three Uyghur men to six years in prison and a $7,500 fine after convicting them on charges of attempting to join a local terrorist group and of entering the country illegally.
Their lawyer, Asludin Hatjani, said the prosecution had failed to furnish direct evidence linking his clients to terrorism. He argued they were Turkish citizens vacationing in Indonesia.
A decision on whether to appeal the verdict within a seven-day window granted by the court will be taken in consultation with Turkish officials, he said.
“We will use the seven days given to consult with the embassy of Turkey, whether to appeal or not,” Asludin Hatjani said.
Judge Kun Marioso, who led a panel of three judges, said the defendants came to Indonesia with the intention of joining the Eastern Indonesia Mujahideen (MIT) and “performing acts of terror.”
A decision on whether to appeal the verdict within a seven-day window granted by the court will be taken in consultation with Turkish officials, he said.
“We will use the seven days given to consult with the embassy of Turkey, whether to appeal or not,” Asludin Hatjani said.
Judge Kun Marioso, who led a panel of three judges, said the defendants came to Indonesia with the intention of joining the Eastern Indonesia Mujahideen (MIT) and “performing acts of terror.”
Government lawyers had argued that the three Uyghurs – Ahmet Mahmud, Altinci Bayram, and Abdul Basit – entered Indonesia with fake Turkish passports and were en route to meet Indonesia’s most wanted terrorist, Santoso, when they were arrested in Central Sulawesi last September.
Ahmet Bozoglan, a fourth Uyghur man arrested at the time and accused of being their leader, was tried separately; his verdict is scheduled for July 29.
Santoso’s group uses violence to try to establish an Islamic state, notably by carrying out attacks on local police, Kun told the North Jakarta District Court session Monday in announcing the verdict.
MIT is believed to have sworn allegiance to the Islamic State (IS), and Santoso has welcomed foreign mujahidin to join the group, security officials say.
Ahmet Bozoglan, a fourth Uyghur man arrested at the time and accused of being their leader, was tried separately; his verdict is scheduled for July 29.
Santoso’s group uses violence to try to establish an Islamic state, notably by carrying out attacks on local police, Kun told the North Jakarta District Court session Monday in announcing the verdict.
MIT is believed to have sworn allegiance to the Islamic State (IS), and Santoso has welcomed foreign mujahidin to join the group, security officials say.
During the trial, which started March 23, prosecution witnesses said the four Uyghurs were in touch with one of five foreign nationals who had reportedly joined the MIT. They also stayed at the same lodging in Bogor, West Java, where the five other foreigners had stayed before travelling to Sulawesi.
"With the offenses and crimes they have committed linked to terrorism, each defendant will be sentenced to six years in prison and a fine of 100 million rupiah ($7,500)," Kun said.
"With the offenses and crimes they have committed linked to terrorism, each defendant will be sentenced to six years in prison and a fine of 100 million rupiah ($7,500)," Kun said.
The verdict comes amid an international outcry over Thailand’s forced repatriation of nearly 100 Uyghur refugees late last week. Chinese officials say the refugees were on their way to Turkey, Syria or Iraq to join IS.
Prosecutor Nana Riana said the three Uyghurs would serve their sentence in an Indonesian prison, unless there is a request from their government to send them back to their country of origin.
However, their citizenship has not yet been established.
Citizenship unclear
Contacted by BenarNews at the start of the trial, officials at the Turkish embassy in Jakarta would not confirm or not deny that the men were Turkish citizens.
“You should take into account what the lawyer says,” Ambassador Zekeriya Akcam said in a statement sent to RFA in early April.
“Since the court process is going on, we are not allowed to make any statement except what the court says,” he added. “We trust [the] judiciary system of [the] Indonesian Republic and cannot make any comment beyond that.”
Earlier this month the embassy denied a request for legal assistance from the fourth defendant, Ahmet Bozoglan.
During the trial of the other three defendants, prosecutor Nana Riana attacked the men’s claim of Turkish citizenship, challenging them to sing Turkey’s national anthem and arguing that their passports were false.
The uncertainty over their citizenship would not affect the verdict, she said.
“Going forward, their citizenship status may influence the extradition agreement between Indonesian officials and the government of Turkey or China,” Nana told RFA last week.
“If they are not Turkish citizens, possibly the court will destroy their passports,” she said.
China-Turkey tensions
The Uyghurs are a Muslim minority within China, and mostly live in the western Xinjiang region. Uyghurs also are spread across Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkey.
Uyghur advocates say China has trumped up allegations of “Uyghur terrorism” to justify repression in Xinjiang province. As many as 700 people are believed to have been killed in political violence in the Xinjiang region from 2013 to 2014, the U.S.-based Uyghur Human Rights Project (UHRP) reported earlier this year.
Chinese state-run newspaper Global Times on Friday accused “Turkish agents” of helping an illegal migration of Uyghurs out of China by giving them Turkish documentation once they arrived in Southeast Asia, the Associated Press reported.
Before the Jakarta trial began, Indonesian counterterrorism officials said Chinese officials had contacted them seeking repatriation of the four Uyghurs arrested in Sulawesi.
On Monday, a spokesman for Indonesian’s National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) said the fate of the men could not be decided until the judicial process was complete, including any appeals.
“If the court rules that they falsified Turkish passports, then they are not citizens of Turkey, and we will get back to the Chinese government,” Irfan Idris told RFA.
“We can’t make a decision or confirm until the results of the trial are known,” he said.
Contacted by BenarNews at the start of the trial, officials at the Turkish embassy in Jakarta would not confirm or not deny that the men were Turkish citizens.
“You should take into account what the lawyer says,” Ambassador Zekeriya Akcam said in a statement sent to RFA in early April.
“Since the court process is going on, we are not allowed to make any statement except what the court says,” he added. “We trust [the] judiciary system of [the] Indonesian Republic and cannot make any comment beyond that.”
Earlier this month the embassy denied a request for legal assistance from the fourth defendant, Ahmet Bozoglan.
During the trial of the other three defendants, prosecutor Nana Riana attacked the men’s claim of Turkish citizenship, challenging them to sing Turkey’s national anthem and arguing that their passports were false.
The uncertainty over their citizenship would not affect the verdict, she said.
“Going forward, their citizenship status may influence the extradition agreement between Indonesian officials and the government of Turkey or China,” Nana told RFA last week.
“If they are not Turkish citizens, possibly the court will destroy their passports,” she said.
China-Turkey tensions
The Uyghurs are a Muslim minority within China, and mostly live in the western Xinjiang region. Uyghurs also are spread across Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkey.
Uyghur advocates say China has trumped up allegations of “Uyghur terrorism” to justify repression in Xinjiang province. As many as 700 people are believed to have been killed in political violence in the Xinjiang region from 2013 to 2014, the U.S.-based Uyghur Human Rights Project (UHRP) reported earlier this year.
Chinese state-run newspaper Global Times on Friday accused “Turkish agents” of helping an illegal migration of Uyghurs out of China by giving them Turkish documentation once they arrived in Southeast Asia, the Associated Press reported.
Before the Jakarta trial began, Indonesian counterterrorism officials said Chinese officials had contacted them seeking repatriation of the four Uyghurs arrested in Sulawesi.
On Monday, a spokesman for Indonesian’s National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) said the fate of the men could not be decided until the judicial process was complete, including any appeals.
“If the court rules that they falsified Turkish passports, then they are not citizens of Turkey, and we will get back to the Chinese government,” Irfan Idris told RFA.
“We can’t make a decision or confirm until the results of the trial are known,” he said.
Chinese Consulate Pays Off Uyghurs in Pakistan For Dirt on Activists
Chinese consulate officials in Pakistan are distributing money to Uyghurs based there in exchange for information about activists campaigning against Chinese rule in the ethnic Muslim minority’s homeland in northwestern China’s Xinjiang region, according to local sources.
On July 19, Chinese consulates in Rawalpindi and Gilgit, in the north of Pakistan, held events to mark the end of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan and offered money to local Uyghurs who have provided them with “assistance,” Omer Khan, founder of the Pakistan-based Omer Uyghur Trust, told RFA’s Uyghur Service.
Officials at the consulate in Rawalpindi held the event at the home of Nasir Khan, the leader of the Overseas Chinese Association of Pakistan (OCAP)—a pro-Chinese organization of Uyghurs living in the country, Omer Khan said.
During the celebration, the officials provided U.S. $23,000 to OCAP, as well as U.S. $12,000 for a primary school, known as the Big Montessori School, the group established with help from the consulate in recent years, and an additional U.S. $10,000 to “closely cooperating members” of the organization, he said.
It was unclear who hosted the Chinese consulate event in Gilgit, or how much money officials presented to local Uyghurs.
Omer Khan said the consulate’s distribution of cash to sympathetic Uyghurs has been an annual occurrence in recent years meant to counter the influence of his organization, which aligns its interests with Uyghurs in Xinjiang who resent Chinese rule and harsh controls on their religion, culture and language.
“They give money every year to the [Uyghur] people who work for them,” he told RFA.
“Beijing is trying to undermine my activities by supporting a pro-China Uyghur organization [in Pakistan] and gives money to people who provide information about other Uyghur activists to the Chinese Embassy such as [senior OCAP official] Pasha Khan and other members of the group.”
More than 3,000 Uyghur families are believed to live in Pakistan, predominantly in the cities of Rawalpindi, Karachi, Gilgit, and the capital, Islamabad.
Rawalpindi is home to an estimated 1,000 Uyghurs, or about 300 Uyghur families—most of which moved to the city in 1960 from Hoten or Kashgar in China’s Xinjiang region, which abuts Pakistan on the 520-kilometer (300-mile) border the two countries share.
Uyghur exiles fear surveillance once they leave China, especially if they have left family behind, and they say their fears have worsened since deadly ethnic riots in July 2009—which prompted a major security crackdown. Xinjiang has been plagued in recent years by bombings, attacks, and riots that Chinese authorities blame on Uyghur separatists.
Omer Khan said that Chinese consulate officials have provided money to OCAP and sympathetic Uyghurs in the past, but this year was the first time they had “openly” rewarded them for providing information on community activists, angering many local Uyghurs who oppose Chinese rule in Xinjiang.
Pasha Khan refused to discuss OCAP’s relationship with the Chinese consulate or what the money would be used for with RFA, saying he was too busy to talk when contacted by phone.
‘We came from China’
Abdulhekim Hajim, a Uyghur who lives in Rawalpindi, said it was unclear why the Chinese consulate had “shown so much fondness” towards the Uyghur community in recent years.
“They distribute money to regular Uyghurs every now and then—they distribute it and we Uyghurs pick it up and spend it,” he said.
“I think the reason they do it is because they know our community came from China originally and they feel that they should help us because of that. They haven’t asked us to do anything for them. We don’t know why the Chinese consulate has become so close to us all of a sudden.”
China and Pakistan enjoy good relations, he said, and “we Pakistani citizens like it this way.”
Hajim said that before the consulate began organizing annual events at the home of Nasir Khan, he used to attend similar events hosted by Khan’s brother, Pakistan-born Uyghur businessmen Raza Khan, who was appointed president of the OCAP and led the organization up until his death two years ago.
Recent harassment
Abdukeyyim Shemshidin, a Uyghur activist in Rawalpindi, told RFA that the Chinese consulate had only begun courting local Uyghurs after the Omer Uyghur Trust established a primary school known as the Omer Uyghur Language School, in the city in 2009.
“We had never seen people such as Pasha Khan in the community before—they only came here after our activities were recognized [by the Chinese consulate],” he said.
He said the consulate gave money to OCAP to set up its own primary school for Uyghurs, which taught lessons in Mandarin Chinese and promoted Beijing’s rule in Xinjiang, and pressured local Uyghur families to send their children there, instead of to the school built by the Omer Uyghur Trust.
OCAP also offered to pay for the education of Uyghur children at its school and through high school, causing the Omer Uyghur Language School to lose enrollment and forcing it to close down in 2010.
“China helped them close down our school and undermine our other activities,” Shemshidin said.
“They were worried our activists here would gain greater influence and instill ideas of independence in the minds of other Uyghurs, so [the OCAP members] were encouraged to come here.”
Use of funds
Shemshidin also expressed concern over the U.S. $45,000 donated by the consulate to OCAP last week because there is no way to monitor how the funds will be used.
“The Chinese are giving money to the school [OCAP] opened, and there is no doubt that China is also using money to buy supporters and sow disunity within the Uyghur community here,” he said.
According to Shemshidin, it was unclear how the consulate had been rewarding “those who are working for them covertly.”
“We believed that China gave them a number of benefits before, such as allowing them to import Chinese goods here without any tariffs, funding their businesses and so on,” he said.
“Now they are being rewarded openly, but it won’t stop us from speaking out about China’s repressive policies towards Uyghurs.”
Reported by Mihray Abdilim and Kutluk Haji Kadiri for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by Mamatjan Juma. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.
On July 19, Chinese consulates in Rawalpindi and Gilgit, in the north of Pakistan, held events to mark the end of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan and offered money to local Uyghurs who have provided them with “assistance,” Omer Khan, founder of the Pakistan-based Omer Uyghur Trust, told RFA’s Uyghur Service.
Officials at the consulate in Rawalpindi held the event at the home of Nasir Khan, the leader of the Overseas Chinese Association of Pakistan (OCAP)—a pro-Chinese organization of Uyghurs living in the country, Omer Khan said.
During the celebration, the officials provided U.S. $23,000 to OCAP, as well as U.S. $12,000 for a primary school, known as the Big Montessori School, the group established with help from the consulate in recent years, and an additional U.S. $10,000 to “closely cooperating members” of the organization, he said.
It was unclear who hosted the Chinese consulate event in Gilgit, or how much money officials presented to local Uyghurs.
Omer Khan said the consulate’s distribution of cash to sympathetic Uyghurs has been an annual occurrence in recent years meant to counter the influence of his organization, which aligns its interests with Uyghurs in Xinjiang who resent Chinese rule and harsh controls on their religion, culture and language.
“They give money every year to the [Uyghur] people who work for them,” he told RFA.
“Beijing is trying to undermine my activities by supporting a pro-China Uyghur organization [in Pakistan] and gives money to people who provide information about other Uyghur activists to the Chinese Embassy such as [senior OCAP official] Pasha Khan and other members of the group.”
More than 3,000 Uyghur families are believed to live in Pakistan, predominantly in the cities of Rawalpindi, Karachi, Gilgit, and the capital, Islamabad.
Rawalpindi is home to an estimated 1,000 Uyghurs, or about 300 Uyghur families—most of which moved to the city in 1960 from Hoten or Kashgar in China’s Xinjiang region, which abuts Pakistan on the 520-kilometer (300-mile) border the two countries share.
Uyghur exiles fear surveillance once they leave China, especially if they have left family behind, and they say their fears have worsened since deadly ethnic riots in July 2009—which prompted a major security crackdown. Xinjiang has been plagued in recent years by bombings, attacks, and riots that Chinese authorities blame on Uyghur separatists.
Omer Khan said that Chinese consulate officials have provided money to OCAP and sympathetic Uyghurs in the past, but this year was the first time they had “openly” rewarded them for providing information on community activists, angering many local Uyghurs who oppose Chinese rule in Xinjiang.
Pasha Khan refused to discuss OCAP’s relationship with the Chinese consulate or what the money would be used for with RFA, saying he was too busy to talk when contacted by phone.
‘We came from China’
Abdulhekim Hajim, a Uyghur who lives in Rawalpindi, said it was unclear why the Chinese consulate had “shown so much fondness” towards the Uyghur community in recent years.
“They distribute money to regular Uyghurs every now and then—they distribute it and we Uyghurs pick it up and spend it,” he said.
“I think the reason they do it is because they know our community came from China originally and they feel that they should help us because of that. They haven’t asked us to do anything for them. We don’t know why the Chinese consulate has become so close to us all of a sudden.”
China and Pakistan enjoy good relations, he said, and “we Pakistani citizens like it this way.”
Hajim said that before the consulate began organizing annual events at the home of Nasir Khan, he used to attend similar events hosted by Khan’s brother, Pakistan-born Uyghur businessmen Raza Khan, who was appointed president of the OCAP and led the organization up until his death two years ago.
Recent harassment
Abdukeyyim Shemshidin, a Uyghur activist in Rawalpindi, told RFA that the Chinese consulate had only begun courting local Uyghurs after the Omer Uyghur Trust established a primary school known as the Omer Uyghur Language School, in the city in 2009.
“We had never seen people such as Pasha Khan in the community before—they only came here after our activities were recognized [by the Chinese consulate],” he said.
He said the consulate gave money to OCAP to set up its own primary school for Uyghurs, which taught lessons in Mandarin Chinese and promoted Beijing’s rule in Xinjiang, and pressured local Uyghur families to send their children there, instead of to the school built by the Omer Uyghur Trust.
OCAP also offered to pay for the education of Uyghur children at its school and through high school, causing the Omer Uyghur Language School to lose enrollment and forcing it to close down in 2010.
“China helped them close down our school and undermine our other activities,” Shemshidin said.
“They were worried our activists here would gain greater influence and instill ideas of independence in the minds of other Uyghurs, so [the OCAP members] were encouraged to come here.”
Use of funds
Shemshidin also expressed concern over the U.S. $45,000 donated by the consulate to OCAP last week because there is no way to monitor how the funds will be used.
“The Chinese are giving money to the school [OCAP] opened, and there is no doubt that China is also using money to buy supporters and sow disunity within the Uyghur community here,” he said.
According to Shemshidin, it was unclear how the consulate had been rewarding “those who are working for them covertly.”
“We believed that China gave them a number of benefits before, such as allowing them to import Chinese goods here without any tariffs, funding their businesses and so on,” he said.
“Now they are being rewarded openly, but it won’t stop us from speaking out about China’s repressive policies towards Uyghurs.”
Reported by Mihray Abdilim and Kutluk Haji Kadiri for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by Mamatjan Juma. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.
China: Legal Ordeals for Brothers of a Journalist
The New York Times, 27 August 2015
By Michael Forsythe – A court inChina’s western region of Xinjiang tried two brothers of an American reporter on charges of endangering state security and leaking secrets, according to a spokesman for Radio Free Asia, the journalist’s employer.No verdict has yet been announced in the trials of Shawket Hoshur on Tuesday and his younger brother Rexim Hoshur, which took place on Aug. 19, Rohit Mahajan, a spokesman for the United States government-funded R.F.A., said in an interview.
Their brother, Shohret Hoshur, is a United States citizen whose reports on the Chinese government’s crackdown on Xinjiang’s Uighur ethnic group have been criticized by Beijing. The plight of Shohret Hoshur’s brothers — a third brother, Tudaxun, was convicted of endangering state security last year and sentenced to five years in prison — has become an issue between the two countries before President Xi Jinping’s summit meeting with President Obama in Washington next month.
China’s Uyghur University Students Are Closely Watched For Their Political Views
Radio Free Asia, 28 August 2015
RFA Uyghur Service – Ethnic Uyghur students at a top university in northwestern China’s Xinjiang region are being closely checked for their political and religious views by student informers who report to “political guides” embedded in the university staff, a former school administrator says.
“Student spies are hidden in every classroom, dormitory, and lecture hall,” a former staff member in the president’s office of Xinjiang Normal University told RFA’s Uyghur Service.
“They record students’ debates, arguments, and discussions of sensitive subjects, and sometimes they raise certain topics themselves just to draw out students’ comments and opinions,” RFA’s source said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Though the school, which is located in the regional capital Urumqi, educates both ethnic Uyghurs and Han Chinese, informers are increasingly being drawn from the Uyghur student population because university authorities are more interested in the political views of this group, he said.
“Each year, dozens of Uyghur students become the subjects of student spies’ secret reports, with some accused of religious extremism and others labeled as ‘separatists’ or ‘ethnic nationalists,” he said.
Student informers submit their reports to “political guides” who are assigned to each department of the school and operate under the supervision of the ruling Chinese Communist Party’s university branch, the source said, adding that the “guides” also teach political courses at the school.
The student spies are later employed as “guides” themselves, or are sent to their home prefectures after graduating with special recommendations from the Party for promotion in any job they take, the source said.
Political loyalty important
Han Chinese and Uyghur students are meanwhile selected for study abroad, with financial support provided by China’s Ministry of Education, based primarily on their “political qualifications,” RFA’s source said.
“The candidates who are selected first are Communist Party members, active in Party programs, or government loyalists.”
“Of course, academic achievements are also considered, but ‘political qualifications’ are the most important criteria,” he said.
Xinjiang, which is home to millions of Turkic-speaking Uyghurs, has seen an upsurge in violence that has left hundreds dead since 2012, and which China has blamed on terrorists and Islamic insurgents seeking to establish an independent state.
But rights groups accuse Chinese authorities of heavy-handed rule in Xinjiang, including violent police raids on Uyghur households, restrictions on Islamic practices, and curbs on the culture and language of the Uyghur people.
Reported by Eset Sulaiman for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by Eset Sulaiman. Written in English for Richard Finney.
China Sentences 45 in Restive Region of Xinjiang
The New York Times, 28 August 2015

The Xinhua report did not describe the ethnicity of the defendants, but their names indicated that they wereUighurs, the Turkic minority in Xinjiang that has become increasingly estranged from Chinese government policies, especially restrictions on their culture and Muslim religion.
The government held up the convictions as proof that it would not tolerate violent opposition in Xinjiang, which in recent years has suffered a spate of violent attacks by Uighurs, in many instances using knives or rudimentary explosives. The government describes the attacks as terrorism, frequently masterminded from abroad, but human rights groups and advocates of Uighur self-determination have said that the violence is often primitive and locally inspired, and driven by Uighur despair.
“The people’s courts have zero tolerance for terror crimes,” said an unnamed official from the highest court in Xinjiang, according to Xinhua. “They will continue to use the law to strike hard against the crime of illegally leaving the country, and use the law to strike hard against criminals who flee abroad and attempt to join in jihad.”
Courts in Aksu, Ili, Kashgar and other cities across Xinjiang convicted the defendants for crimes in 10 separate cases that included “organizing, leading and participating in terror organizations,” as well as organizing people to flee abroad, Xinhua said.
The Chinese government has sought to stop Uighurs from fleeing abroad. They have often settled in Turkey after circuitous journeys through Southeast and Central Asia. In July,Thailand deported about 100 Uighursback to China.
“There have been growing numbers of Uighurs escaping from China, and this crackdown is directly related to trying to stop the escapes,” Dilxat Raxit, a spokesman for the World Uyghur Congress, a group that advocates Uighur self-determination, said in a telephone interview from Stockholm. Uyghur is an alternative spelling of Uighur.
“But I believe that the Uighurs are fleeing abroad because of the specific policies that the Chinese government has enforced to oppress them,” he said. “These aren’t terrorists; they’re Uighurs wanting a safe place to live.”
Many of the cases announced on Thursday involved people accused of organizing others to leave Xinjiang, which is next to Central Asia. And the prosecutors depicted the defendants as bewitched by Islamist extremism and violent separatism.
In one case, the five defendants had fled on a truck to Tajikistan, where they were detained near the frontier with Afghanistan and sent back to China.
The prosecution charged that they wanted to join the Taliban and the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, a group that China depicts as the instigator of violence in Xinjiang. Many experts are skeptical that the group is as powerful and extensive as the Chinese government says.
In another case, the prosecution claimed that the three defendants hoped to reach Turkey using fake Turkish passports so that they could join a violent group and carry out jihad, according to Xinhua.
The Xinhua report did not say whether any of the defendants had admitted to the charges against them. In China, defendants come under intense pressure to make such confessions.
Will Thailand deport Uighurs who fled China
IRIN, 28 August 2015
By Anneliese Mcauliffe – Despite Thailand’s recent deportation of 109 ethnic Uighurs to China where they could face torture, about 60 members of the persecuted minority who remain in detention are refusing to register with the United Nations as asylum seekers.
Uighur activists say the detainees are likely reluctant to apply for asylum because they do not trust that the UN will be able to prevent their deportation, and they are afraid that personal information provided during the registration process could fall into the hands of Chinese authorities and endanger their families.
Seven weeks after Thailand deported the group of 109 to China, the future is uncertain for the remaining Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim minority from China’s western region of Xinjiang. Their forced removal sparked protests in Turkey against the Chinese embassy and the Thai consulate, as well as Chinese-owned businesses.
Thousands of Uighurs are believed to have fled Xinjiang where China has cracked down on dissent, citing concerns about terrorism and separatism. Human Rights Watch says Uighurs face “pervasive ethnic discrimination, severe religious repression, and increasing cultural suppression”.
For those who escape to other countries only to be sent back, the punishments may be even more severe. Countries including Pakistan, Malaysia, Kazakhstan and Cambodia have also forcibly returned Uighurs to China, and rights groups say that some of them were never heard from again.
Thailand’s decision to deport 109 Uighurs prompted a warning from the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, that they could face persecution and even torture after being sent back to China.
Yet the remaining detainees have chosen not to seek protection from abuses back home by applying for asylum, UNHCR has told IRIN.
Distrust of the UN is likely one reason for choosing not to apply, according to Ala Mentimin, vice president of the World Uighur Congress, a Washington D.C.-based advocacy group. While he has not been able to speak to those in detention in Thailand, he said they probably hold similar views as those he has interviewed in Malaysia and Turkey.
“They have no trust in the UNHCR, which has failed to stop deportations in the past,” he said.
The Cambodia case
Mentimin cited the 2009 deportation of 20 Uighurs from Cambodia where they had applied for asylum. Security personnel took them at gunpoint from a safe house and drove them to a military airport where they were put aboard an unscheduled charter flight to China.
Mentimin cited the 2009 deportation of 20 Uighurs from Cambodia where they had applied for asylum. Security personnel took them at gunpoint from a safe house and drove them to a military airport where they were put aboard an unscheduled charter flight to China.
A classified United States diplomatic cable sent from its embassy in Cambodia and made public by WikiLeaks suggests that UNHCR agreed that it did not do enough to protect the Uighurs.
The cable describes a meeting between US Chargé d’Affaires Theodore Allegra and other diplomats and UNHCR Regional Representative Raymond Hall.
“Hall confirmed that UNHCR had made no special accommodations for protection or processing of this group, despite the high visibility and Chinese pressure attendant to their cases, but acknowledged that with the ‘wisdom of hindsight’ the UNHCR might have handled the Uighur case differently,” the cable reads.
Nicholas Bequelin, East Asia director for Amnesty International, said another reason Uighurs who have escaped China may choose not to apply for asylum is because they are worried that personal information they provide to UNHCR could find its way back to Chinese authorities.
“The fear that their families may face persecution back in Xinjiang could be preventing them from registering with the UNHCR,” he said. “Registering with the UNHCR requires handing over a great deal of information, and they may fear that this information may not be secure.”
One more reason for refusing to register in Thailand as asylum seekers is that they are not interested in being resettled to a third country once obtaining refugee status, according to UNHCR.
“Turkey has traditionally taken them in,” said UNHCR spokesperson Vivian Tan. “They are only looking for ways to get to Turkey.”
Caught in the great game
Uighurs who flee China often pay human smugglers between US $10,000 and $30,000, according to Mentimin of the World Uighur Congress.
Uighurs who flee China often pay human smugglers between US $10,000 and $30,000, according to Mentimin of the World Uighur Congress.
Uighur sources told IRIN on condition of anonymity that those detained in Thailand had travelled overland through Vietnam and Cambodia using buses and private cars.
Uighurs fleeing China are almost always trying to get to Turkey where many have already settled and where the government has an open door policy. But if they are intercepted along the way, they find themselves caught in a geopolitical power struggle in which Beijing exerts pressure on countries to ignore their obligations under international law and forcibly return them.
Days after Cambodia deported 20 Uighurs in 2009, China’s then vice-president Xi Jinping visited the country and signed off on a package of grants, loans and infrastructure development deals worth more than US $1 billion.
“UNHCR Regional Representative Raymond Hall stated that although Cambodia had tried hard over the years to assume refugee responsibilities, it was unable to withstand direct pressure from China in its first major test,” according to the US diplomatic cable released by Wikileaks.
Likewise, rights advocates say that China exerted pressure and made backroom deals with Thailand’s military government, which took power in a May 2014 coup that was condemned by the US and other countries.
“It’s quite clear that the military junta buckled under pressure from China to send the Uighurs back into harm’s way, and by doing so further trashed Thailand’s already diminished reputation as a rights respecting government,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch.
“The big question is what did Bangkok receive in return from Beijing for this clear betrayal of Thailand’s international rights obligations under the Convention against Torture,” he told IRIN.
In the wake of the controversy, Thai authorities defended themselves, saying the government had not simply acceded to China’s request to return all 328 Uighurs who were being held in detentions centres throughout the country.
“China asked for all Uighur Muslims in Thailand to be sent back but we said we could not do it,” Colonel Weerachon Sukhondhapatipak, deputy Thai government spokesman, told reporters on 10 July.
He said authorities had determined that more than 170 Uighurs were Turkish citizens and allowed them to go to Turkey. Sukhondhapatipak said at the time that authorities were assessing the identities of those still in detention centres.
Those Uighurs remain in custody today, waiting for a decision that could send them into the welcoming arms of friends and family in Turkey, or into the black hole of China’s security apparatus.
China's Uyghur University Students Are Closely Watched For Their Political Views
2015-08-27
Ethnic Uyghur students at a top university in northwestern China’s Xinjiang region are being closely checked for their political and religious views by student informers who report to “political guides” embedded in the university staff, a former school administrator says.
“Student spies are hidden in every classroom, dormitory, and lecture hall,” a former staff member in the president’s office of Xinjiang Normal University told RFA’s Uyghur Service.
“They record students’ debates, arguments, and discussions of sensitive subjects, and sometimes they raise certain topics themselves just to draw out students’ comments and opinions,” RFA’s source said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Though the school, which is located in the regional capital Urumqi, educates both ethnic Uyghurs and Han Chinese, informers are increasingly being drawn from the Uyghur student population because university authorities are more interested in the political views of this group, he said.
“Each year, dozens of Uyghur students become the subjects of student spies’ secret reports, with some accused of religious extremism and others labeled as ‘separatists’ or ‘ethnic nationalists,” he said.
Student informers submit their reports to “political guides” who are assigned to each department of the school and operate under the supervision of the ruling Chinese Communist Party’s university branch, the source said, adding that the “guides” also teach political courses at the school.
The student spies are later employed as “guides” themselves, or are sent to their home prefectures after graduating with special recommendations from the Party for promotion in any job they take, the source said.
Political loyalty important
Han Chinese and Uyghur students are meanwhile selected for study abroad, with financial support provided by China’s Ministry of Education, based primarily on their “political qualifications,” RFA’s source said.
“The candidates who are selected first are Communist Party members, active in Party programs, or government loyalists.”
“Of course, academic achievements are also considered, but ‘political qualifications’ are the most important criteria,” he said.
Xinjiang, which is home to millions of Turkic-speaking Uyghurs, has seen an upsurge in violence that has left hundreds dead since 2012, and which China has blamed on terrorists and Islamic insurgents seeking to establish an independent state.
But rights groups accuse Chinese authorities of heavy-handed rule in Xinjiang, including violent police raids on Uyghur households, restrictions on Islamic practices, and curbs on the culture and language of the Uyghur people.
Reported by Eset Sulaiman for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by Eset Sulaiman. Written in English for Richard Finney.
China sentences 45 in Xinjiang in illegal border crossing cases
Thu Aug 27, 2015 11:02am BST
China sentenced 45 people to prison in its Xinjiang region for cases involving illegal border crossings, state media reported on Thursday, saying they sought out "holy war" and had committed crimes including organising or funding "terrorist groups".
Hundreds, possibly thousands, of Muslim ethnic Uighurs, keen to escape unrest in their western home region of Xinjiang, have travelled clandestinely via Southeast Asia toTurkey.
Beijing, which blames Islamist militants for violent attacks in Xinjiang in the past three years in which hundreds have died, says some people are trafficked across the border and end up fighting for groups such as Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.
Authorities sentenced 43 people in recent days, involved in 10 cases from the Xinjiang cities of Ili, Karamay, Aksu, Kashgar and Hotan, to between four and 15 years in jail, with two others given life sentences, the official Xinjiang Daily said.
Those sentenced were involved in "organising, leading, or participating in terrorist groups, funding terrorist groups, and organising others to illegally cross the border", it said.
"Among the 10 cases, all those who tried to illegally leave the country were poisoned with religious extremist ideology, and were enticed and manipulated by smugglers to take part in holy war," the newspaper said.
China is home to about 20 million Muslims spread across its vast territory, only a portion of whom are Uighurs, who speak a Turkic language.
Officials in Beijing say separatists from Xinjiang are trying to set up an independent state called East Turkestan and deny accusations by rights advocates that China restricts Uighurs' religious freedom and culture.
"China's policy of suppression is leading to Uighurs seeking security through illegal immigration," World Uyghur Congress spokesman Dilxat Raxit said in an emailed statement.
"The harsh punishment is shifting political responsibility for the cause of illegal immigration."
In July, Thailand deported 109 Uighurs back to China, feeding concern among rights groups and the United States that they could be mistreated upon their return, and sparking anger in Turkey, home to a large Uighur diaspora.
Turkey has vowed to keep its doors open to Uighur migrants fleeing persecution in China, exacerbating a row with Beijing.
About 170 Uighur women and children arrived in Turkey in late June from Thailand, where they had been held for more than a year for illegal entry, the U.S.-based Radio Free Asia has reported.
(Reporting by Michael Martina; Editing by Robert Birsel)
China Sentences 45 in Restive Region of Xinjiang
By CHRIS BUCKLEY
AUG. 27, 2015
AUG. 27, 2015
HONG KONG — Courts across Xinjiang, the volatile region of western China, have sentenced 45 people to prison in recent days after convicting them of supporting organizations accused of terror attacks or of helping others flee abroad, Xinhua, the main state news agency, reported on Thursday.
The Xinhua report did not describe the ethnicity of the defendants, but their names indicated that they were Uighurs, the Turkic minority in Xinjiang that has become increasingly estranged from Chinese government policies, especially restrictions on their culture and Muslim religion.
The government held up the convictions as proof that it would not tolerate violent opposition in Xinjiang, which in recent years has suffered a spate of violent attacks by Uighurs, in many instances using knives or rudimentary explosives. The government describes the attacks as terrorism, frequently masterminded from abroad, but human rights groups and advocates of Uighur self-determination have said that the violence is often primitive and locally inspired, and driven by Uighur despair.
“The people’s courts have zero tolerance for terror crimes,” said an unnamed official from the highest court in Xinjiang, according to Xinhua. “They will continue to use the law to strike hard against the crime of illegally leaving the country, and use the law to strike hard against criminals who flee abroad and attempt to join in jihad.”
Courts in Aksu, Ili, Kashgar and other cities across Xinjiang convicted the defendants for crimes in 10 separate cases that included “organizing, leading and participating in terror organizations,” as well as organizing people to flee abroad, Xinhua said.
The Chinese government has sought to stop Uighurs from fleeing abroad. They have often settled in Turkey after circuitous journeys through Southeast and Central Asia. In July, Thailand deported about 100 Uighursback to China.
“There have been growing numbers of Uighurs escaping from China, and this crackdown is directly related to trying to stop the escapes,” Dilxat Raxit, a spokesman for the World Uyghur Congress, a group that advocates Uighur self-determination, said in a telephone interview from Stockholm. Uyghur is an alternative spelling of Uighur.
“But I believe that the Uighurs are fleeing abroad because of the specific policies that the Chinese government has enforced to oppress them,” he said. “These aren’t terrorists; they’re Uighurs wanting a safe place to live.”
Many of the cases announced on Thursday involved people accused of organizing others to leave Xinjiang, which is next to Central Asia. And the prosecutors depicted the defendants as bewitched by Islamist extremism and violent separatism.
In one case, the five defendants had fled on a truck to Tajikistan, where they were detained near the frontier with Afghanistan and sent back to China.
The prosecution charged that they wanted to join the Taliban and the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, a group that China depicts as the instigator of violence in Xinjiang. Many experts are skeptical that the group is as powerful and extensive as the Chinese government says.
In another case, the prosecution claimed that the three defendants hoped to reach Turkey using fake Turkish passports so that they could join a violent group and carry out jihad, according to Xinhua.
The Xinhua report did not say whether any of the defendants had admitted to the charges against them. In China, defendants come under intense pressure to make such confessions.
Bangkok Bombing Spotlights Uyghur Woes in Southeast Asia
Following the attack on the Erawan Shrine on August 18 in central Bangkok, which killed 20, including a number of Chinese tourists, and injured more than 100, Thai authorities and media speculated that the attack could be the work of Uyghur extremists from China’s restive Xinjiang province.
Given the fact that there are other Thai actors with immediate motives to undermine the current military junta, such as disaffected “Red Shirts” (supporters of exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin) and Muslim separatists from southern Thailand, a Uyghur link would appear on the surface to be unlikely.
Yet the Uyghurs have in fact become a thorny issue for the Thai government and other Southeast Asian nations in their relations with China, and further investigation into the extent of the region’s “Uyghur problem” reveals the extent of Beijing’s reach.
Southeast Asia has emerged over the past five years as a major transit zone for Uyghur refugees seeking asylum in Turkey (a country with a well-established Uyghur exile community) and Europe, as their traditional migration routes via Central and South Asia have been closed off by ongoing conflict in Afghanistan and greater security cooperation among governments in those regions with Beijing.
Thailand, in particular, as highlighted by the ongoing controversy regarding people smuggling of Muslim Rohingyas from Burma, has become a hub of illegal migration. It is increasingly apparent that Uyghurs are also now part of such flows. In November last year, Thai authorities discovered around 100 Uyghurs, including women and children, living in squalid conditions in a people-smuggler run camp in southern Thailand, while a further 200 were discovered living in a jungle camp in Songkhla province in March this year.
This has created a major problem for Thailand in its increasingly close relationship with Beijing. Last month, under considerable pressure from Beijing, Thailand forcibly repatriated 109 Uyghurs to China, causing outrage amongst the Uyghur diaspora and human rights NGOs who feared they would face arrest or worse on their return.
The United Nations Human Rights Commission deemed Thailand’s decision to be a “flagrant breach of international law,” while Human Rights Watch described Thailand’s apparent cave in to Chinese pressure as both “shocking and disturbing.” Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha’s callous remark at the time that, “If we send them back and there is a problem that is not our fault” certainly did not do anything to combat such criticism.
The core issue at stake here, as Alim Seytoff, president of the Uyghur American Association (UAA), has noted is that China is increasingly able to leverage its economic and strategic weight in countries such as Thailand to seek the forcible return of individuals in “disregard of international human rights conventions and norms” to which it ostensibly abides.
Yet China’s approach should come as little surprise. In fact, it mirrors China’s strategy to combat perceived Uyghur separatism and terrorism in its relations with the Central Asian republics (with which Xinjiang shares borders) over the past two decades, whereby increased Chinese economic investment and aid coincided with greater restrictions and surveillance targeting Uyghur communities and migrants there. Often, official visits by Chinese leaders to these states would be accompanied by the extradition of Uyghur “terrorists” back to Xinjiang and the signing of bilateral economic agreements .
This pattern has been discernible over the past few years in China’s relations with a number of other Southeast Asian countries. In December 2009, for instance, Cambodia, under Chinese pressure, deported 20 Uyghurs back to China and days later inked a lucrative trade and investment package during then-Vice Premier Xi Jinping’s visit to the country. Similar incidents have also occurred in Malaysia, Burma, Laos and Vietnam, with an estimated total of 72 Uyghurs forcibly repatriated to China between 2010 and 2014. The Thai decision to return the 109 Uyghurs also coincided with the Thai navy’s decision to purchase three submarines from China worth $1 billion.
Beijing, for its part has maintained that the Uyghurs were not in fact “refugees” but “jihad recruits” on their way to fight in the Syrian conflict via Turkey. Beijing has cited in this respect the precedent of its arrest of nine Uyghurs and 10 Turkish nationals accused of facilitating their recruitment, en route to Syria in Shanghai in January this year.
In the case of the Thai Uyghurs however, Beijing has proffered little in the way way of evidence. Subsequent footage aired on CCTV of the Uyghurs on their flight back to China handcuffed, hooded and flanked by Chinese security personnel has done little to dispel concerns as to their ultimate fate.
What is clear is that the Uyghur issue is set remain a point of tension in Southeast Asia’s relations with Beijing as these states attempt to deal with growing illegal migration flows and China’s efforts to leverage its strategic weight in pursuit of its own narrow interest in combatting what it perceives as “Uyghur terrorism.”
Dr. Michael Clarke is Associate Professor at the National Security College, ANU. He is the author of Xinjiang and China’s Rise in Central Asia – A History (Routledge 2011).
China's Policy Forcing Uyghur Muslims to Sell Alcohol 'a Failure,' Sources Say
Policy directives ordering ethnic Uyghur shopkeepers in China’s Xinjiang region to stock alcohol and cigarettes are failing in their intended effect, with consumers refusing to buy the products and openly mocking the government’s apparent bid to undermine local Islamic custom, sources say.
Now in force for the last six months in Kashgar (in Chinese, Kashi) prefecture’s Kargilik (Yecheng) county, the policy has not led to an increase in alcohol consumption among the population, a local businessman and former government employee told RFA’s Uyghur Service.
“In fact, I would say the number of people drinking has gone down,” RFA’s source said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
“The few people in the towns around here who habitually drink still buy their alcohol from shops run by Han Chinese, as they always have,” he said.
“This ridiculous policy has failed very clearly,” he said.
Chinese authorities’ efforts to promote the sale in Uyghur shops of alcohol and cigarettes were first reported in neighboring Hotan (Hetian) prefecture in May, with a public notice stating that the order had been handed down “from the top echelons of [the ruling Chinese Communist Party].”
“We have a campaign to weaken religion here, and this is part of that campaign,” one local official, Adil Sulayman, told RFA in an earlier report.
'I had no choice'
In the Islamic faith, the Quran refers to the use of alcohol as a “sin,” while many Muslims discourage the smoking of cigarettes as a self-destructive practice.
“I worried a lot about the public’s reaction to my selling alcohol in my store,” Kasimahun Hashim, a shopkeeper in Kargilik county’s Saybagh township, recently told RFA.
“But now I feel relaxed, because I see that the people’s anger over this is all being directed toward the [government].”
“As a religious man, I felt it would be impossible to keep alcohol in my store,” another shopkeeper, Memtimin Qari, said, adding, “But I had no choice.”
Though government officials then brought two crates of distilled liquor, a crate of beer, and boxes of cigarettes to his store with orders to prominently display them, “So far, I have only sold two packets of cigarettes, and no alcohol at all,” Qari said.
“The other stores in our township have not sold any either,” he said.
Stability concerns
Government orders forcing Uyghur shopkeepers to stock alcohol are not aimed at forcing anyone to drink, though, Hoyla village security chief Tursun Turaq told RFA.
“We just put in on the shelves so that people who want to drink may have the opportunity,” he said.
“Some religious extremists tell people, ‘don’t drink,’ and this pulls young people into their way of seeing things.”
“That is why the government issued these orders: to strengthen stability in the region,” he said.
Xinjiang, which is home to millions of Turkic-speaking Uyghurs, has seen an upsurge in violence that has left hundreds dead since 2012, and which China has blamed on terrorists and Islamic insurgents seeking to establish an independent state.
But rights groups accuse Chinese authorities of heavy-handed rule in Xinjiang, including violent police raids on Uyghur households, restrictions on Islamic practices, and curbs on the culture and language of the Uyghur people.
Reported by Shohret Hoshur for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by Shohret Hoshur. Written in English by Richard Finney.
金星 big star china
基本信息
- 中文名
- 金星
- 外文名
- jin xing
- 国 籍
- 中国
- 民 族
- 朝鲜族
- 出生地
- 沈阳
- 出生日期
- 1967年8月13日
- 职 业
- 现代舞蹈家,脱口秀主持人
- 毕业院校
- 解放军艺术学院舞蹈系
- 主要成就
- 第一届中国舞桃李杯少年组第一名
第二届全国舞蹈大赛最佳优秀演员 - 代表作品
- 《半梦》《海上风》《红与黑》《海上探戈》《这么远,那么近》
- 血 型
- A
- 星 座
- 狮子座
- 精通语言
- 中、韩、日、法、意、德、英语
早年经历编辑
1984年,毕业于解放军艺术学院舞蹈系。
1985年,获首届中国舞“桃李杯”少年组第一名,独创男子足尖舞,第一次赴法国演出。
1986年,获第二届全国舞蹈大赛特别优秀奖,出访朝鲜参加“四月—春天的艺术祭典”庆祝演出。
演艺经历编辑
1988年,金星获美国亚细亚文化基金会和美国舞蹈节奖学金,赴纽约学习现代舞。17岁荣获全国首届“桃李杯”舞蹈大赛少年组第一名,在全国第二届舞蹈比赛中获“最佳优秀演员奖”。20岁中国舞蹈演员受国家公派赴美国纽约学习现代舞[2] 。
1989~1990年,金星在韩国汉城举办个人作品晚会,任美国舞蹈节国际编导小组成员。
1991年,在美深造现代舞期间,被聘为美国舞蹈节编舞,同年,她的作品“半梦”荣获美国舞蹈节“最佳编舞奖”。后赴意大利受聘于意大利电视一台进驻编舞,同年移居欧洲。

《海上探戈》-纽约乔伊斯剧院 (3张)
2000年,迁居上海,在上海大剧院公演现代舞《海上风》和《卡尔米娜·布拉娜》。
2003年,在上海、深圳等地公演现代舞《海上探戈》。
2004年,以《海上探戈》为主舞目在欧洲巡演。并以《海上探戈》参加法国举办的中国文化年活动;同年在国内杭州等诸多城市公演。2004到2005年,金星担任星空卫视《星空舞状元》评委。2005年,《卡尔米娜·布拉娜》在欧洲巡演。2004年,赴泰国演出动作电影《拳霸2》[7] 。
2012年,金星主持电视脱口秀节目《金星撞火星》3月17日在星空卫视开播。同年,金星获法兰西共和国艺术与文学骑士勋章。
2014年3月2日,金星与其舞蹈团在北京保利剧院连续两天表演最新的舞剧《我和我》、《细胞》协同金星创作的《九宫格》呈现给了现场的观众[11] 。4月22日,23日,金星与其舞蹈团在上海大剧院大剧场表演作品《三位一体》与《海上探戈》系列。11月21日,22日在西安人民剧院表演《海上探戈》。6月14日,金星在上海城市剧院进行现代舞讲座《我为什么跳舞》。6月17日,金星客串邓超导演的电影《分手大师》,出演舞蹈家。7月1日,荣获苏格兰皇家音乐学院颁发的“荣誉舞蹈艺术博士学位”[12] 。9月4-14日,金星在上海人民大舞台举行她人生的首场脱口秀演出——《一笑值千金》[13] 。
2015年1月28日,主持脱口秀节目《金星秀》[14] 。3月21号,金星在湖北卫视播出,爱奇艺独家出品的中国超模时尚真人秀节目《爱上超模》中担任导师[15] 。同日在安徽卫视播出的中国首档原创新锐语言竞技真人秀节目《超级演说家第三季》中与陈鲁豫、乐嘉、窦文涛三人组成导师阵容。4月2至4日以及4月9至12日金星在上海人民大舞台演出《金星脱口秀》剧场版。5月8号,金星携其舞蹈团以舞剧+脱口秀”的形式在西安,太原,重庆,沈阳等全国十三个城市巡演《海上探戈》和《金星秀》,从西安首站的曲江大礼堂到12月5号北京收官[16] 。
个人生活编辑
婚姻
家庭
收养了三个孩子(分别来自北京、重庆和东北),两个儿子(嘟嘟、小三儿),一个女儿(妮妮)。现任丈夫是德国人汉斯。一辈子结不止一次婚的人有很多,但是像金星这样,第一次跟女人结婚,第二次跟男人结婚的,恐怕不多见[19] 。
主要作品编辑
舞蹈作品
话剧作品
时间 | 作品名 |
---|---|
1997年 | 《断腕》 |
2002年 | 《狗魅Sylvia》 |
2008年 | 《阴差阳错》[22] |
2012年 | 《尴尬》 |
2013年 | 《暧昧》 |
2013年 | 《最后的贵族》[23] |
参演电影
上映时间 | 剧名 | 扮演角色 | 导演 | 合作演员 |
---|---|---|---|---|
2014 | 分手大师 | 金星 | 邓超 邓超,俞白眉 | ---- |
2005 | 冬阴功 | ---- | ---- | ---- |
2002-07-26 | 卖火柴的小女孩复活 | ---- | 张善宇 | IM Eun-kyung KIM Hyun-sung |
综艺节目
播出时间 | 节目名称 | 简介 |
---|---|---|
2015-06-26 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | SPY辣妈组合秀热舞 惊艳全场 |
2015-06-24 | 金星秀 | 井柏然回应与郑爽传闻 金星吐槽朋友拍照搅饭局 |
2015-06-17 | 金星秀 | 陈数吐槽某演员难搞 金星谈“虎妈猫爸” |
2015-06-13 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之总冠军争夺战 薛来科学“聊鬼” |
2015-06-12 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 庄芷婕两度被抛弃 依然勇敢追爱 |
2015-06-10 | 金星秀 | 张靓颖自嘲土妞否认结婚传闻 忆告别华谊陷迷茫 |
2015-06-06 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之鲁豫遭文涛补刀 金星谈真爱 |
2015-06-06 | 爱上超模 | 终场大秀选手回归三强之战冠军问鼎 |
2015-06-05 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 甩黄族辣妈热舞 黄舒骏捍卫妻子 |
2015-06-03 | 金星秀 | 金星谈高考曝中专学历 黄豆豆暗讽老婆身材走样 |
2015-05-30 | 爱上超模 | 超模神造型 四进三谁去谁留 |
2015-05-30 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之金星黑丝性感登台 鲁豫看文涛家书 |
2015-05-29 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 瞿颖暖心视频为"女神妈妈"助阵 |
2015-05-27 | 金星秀 | 王琳谈与徐帆翻脸内情 金星曝娱乐圈大佬被离婚 |
2015-05-23 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之导突围赛 窦文涛鲁豫又秀恩爱 |
2015-05-23 | 爱上超模 | 5进4礁石海岸拍泳装 惹怒金星 |
2015-05-20 | 金星秀 | 沙溢自觉亏欠胡可曾落泪 金星曝醉酒喝光鱼缸水 |
2015-05-16 | 爱上超模 | 路痴超模悉尼狂奔 强吻猛男 |
2015-05-16 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之金星激动起立致敬 乐嘉“打”选手 |
2015-05-13 | 金星秀 | 金星霸气谈奢靡门 揭黄舒骏与小24岁妻子恋情 |
2015-05-10 | 鲁豫有约 | 金星我爱我家 |
2015-05-09 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之刘畊宏讲述周杰伦健身经历 |
2015-05-09 | 爱上超模 | 摩登庄园 |
2015-05-08 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 性感辣妈惊艳来袭 张行"叫板"黄舒骏 |
2015-05-06 | 金星秀 | 任贤齐坦言不做好男人 金星练口语曾惹尴尬 |
2015-05-02 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之学霸"惹怒"金星 鲁豫怒斥窦文涛 |
2015-05-02 | 爱上超模 | 黄金海滩阳光之旅 |
2015-05-01 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 王锦豫主妇逆袭 任性撒野自己活一把 |
2015-04-29 | 金星秀 | 金星扳手腕秀紧致肌肉 女星曝曾被威胁泼硫酸 |
2015-04-25 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之乐嘉触景数度落泪 金星讽刺玻璃心 |
2015-04-25 | 爱上超模 | 比赛过半气氛回温 |
2015-04-24 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 张曼携母深情演唱 辣妈上演"灰姑娘" |
2015-04-22 | 金星秀 | 金星力挺道德模范变性 蔡健雅自曝被搭讪经历 |
2015-04-18 | 爱上超模 | 钟鹿纯自白退赛真相 |
2015-04-11 | 爱上超模 | 送别2014 |
2015-04-11 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之窦文涛挑战叠杯出糗 被美女撒娇 |
2015-04-08 | 金星秀 | 金星怒斥演艺圈镀金怪相 |
2015-04-04 | 爱上超模 | 平安夜独白 |
2015-04-04 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之金星曝被求婚经历 刘思达爱要勇敢 |
2015-04-01 | 金星秀 | 金星对付诈骗电话显机智 |
2015-03-28 | 爱上超模 | 墨尔本生活日记 |
2015-03-28 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之窦文涛失恋曾喝吐 金星嫌乐嘉花心 |
2015-03-25 | 金星秀 | 金星揭两次入狱经历 李治廷曝甜蜜恋情往事 |
2015-03-21 | 超级演说家第三季 | 超级演说家之窦文涛奉鲁豫心上人 解艺忆北漂 |
2015-03-21 | 爱上超模 | 选手出征放豪言 |
2015-03-18 | 金星秀 | 金星自嘲拉赞助像黑社会 开酒吧遇暴发户互砸钱 |
2015-03-13 | 鲁豫有约 | 金星自曝曾遭嫉妒被群殴 痛批舞台演员不负责任太浮躁 |
2015-03-11 | 金星秀 | 金星曝被打下跪求饶 欧弟揭与妻子情事 |
2015-03-04 | 金星秀 | 金星斥国人旅游露丑态 罗中旭回应上好歌曲质疑 |
2015-02-25 | 金星秀 | 张铁林自曝隐秘情史 金星力挺小刚炮轰综艺电影 |
2015-02-11 | 金星秀 | 金星曝婚姻隐情称暖男适婚 何洁揭红毯摔跤糗事 |
2015-02-04 | 金星秀 | 金星批陈赫离婚矫情 讽韩国整容风满街木乃伊 |
2015-01-28 | 金星秀 | 金星吐槽武媚娘靠胸博眼球 周迅自曝欲生两子 |
2014-11-06 | 鲁豫有约 | 金星夫妇别样爱情 |
2014-07-05 | 中国好舞蹈 | 首季收官古丽米娜胜张娅姝夺冠 |
2014-06-28 | 中国好舞蹈 | 女舞者装扮布料少遭金星怒斥 |
2014-06-21 | 中国好舞蹈 | 青白蛇妖媚斗舞全场躁动 |
2014-06-14 | 中国好舞蹈 | 海清战队PK 男神女神赤身缠绵疑激凸 |
2014-06-07 | 中国好舞蹈 | 郭富城蔡依林热舞 师徒火辣激吻 |
2014-05-31 | 中国好舞蹈 | 清纯女惹郭富城再喊骚 |
2014-05-24 | 中国好舞蹈 | 旗袍女性感劈叉被赞“尤物” |
2014-05-17 | 中国好舞蹈 | 妩媚女跳《痒》险惹郭富城流鼻血 |
2014-05-10 | 中国好舞蹈 | 蕾丝男调戏郭富城 北舞校花似黎姿 |
2014-05-03 | 中国好舞蹈 | 极品妖男穿透视踩高跟起舞 |
2014-04-26 | 中国好舞蹈 | 郭富城跳踢踏舞索吻萌娃 |
2014-04-19 | 中国好舞蹈 | 郭富城导师首秀搞怪耍宝 |
2014-04-16 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 金星程雷联合吐槽黄舒骏 |
2014-01-28 | 舞林争霸 | 中美舞林冠军对抗赛 张傲月完胜八届艾美舞王 |
2013-08-23 | 鲁豫有约 | 解密犀利评委 |
2013-05-14 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 橘子妈猛飙英文歌 热情幽默震全场 |
2013-05-12 | 舞林争霸 | 总决选 张傲月裸身诱惑夺冠 朱洁静秀舞技惊艳 |
2013-05-07 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 中国辣妹七年后重聚 辣妹变辣妈 |
2013-05-05 | 舞林争霸 | 舞林十强终诞生 刘福洋退赛张傲月跳哭评委 |
2013-04-30 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 90后辣妈卷土重来 大宅门长媳获新生 |
2013-04-28 | 舞林争霸 | 侯腾飞王润演绎《霸王》 刘福洋张傲月跳探戈 |
2013-04-23 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 复活赛 六强妈妈回应整容疑云 |
2013-04-09 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 性感辣妈发嗲找程雷算账 |
2013-04-07 | 舞林争霸 | 朱洁静涉险晋级 金星杨丽萍为舞者起激烈冲突 |
2013-04-02 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 电臀辣妈甩臀舞性感爆棚 |
2013-03-31 | 舞林争霸 | 刘福洋骆文博初恋情人重聚 金星放豪言帮拉票 |
2013-03-24 | 舞林争霸 | 同舞种选手搭配金星要求重赛 平安女友艰难晋级 |
2013-03-19 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 身材赛过小S 妈咪舞台惊现男儿 |
2013-03-17 | 舞林争霸 | 平安女友辣舞险遭淘汰泪奔 张傲月热舞跳开裤子 |
2013-03-12 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 胖妈传递正能量 杀猪姐乐翻全场 |
2013-03-10 | 舞林争霸 | 奥运体操冠军舞蹈未获认可 金星发飙愤然离席 |
2013-03-06 | 金星撞火星 | 王海式打假的“末日” |
2013-03-05 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 搞笑版爱情买卖爆火 无腿妈妈超感人 |
2013-03-03 | 舞林争霸 | 杂技舞者上演浪漫求婚 陈小春感动飙泪 |
2013-02-26 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 双胞胎母亲忏悔早年弃子 |
2013-02-24 | 舞林争霸 | 金星大骂神曲2X 陈小春身高无辜“中枪” |
2013-02-19 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 中国式辣妈妖娆组团 |
2013-02-17 | 舞林争霸 | 杨帅“内裤”性感演绎 李娜带伤比赛感动全场 |
2013-02-16 | 舞林争霸 | 刘雨昕Popping表演 方俊梁岱青现场热舞 |
2013-02-12 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 柳岩领衔辣妈肚皮舞 龚琳娜掀神曲风 |
2013-02-05 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 婀娜辣妈狂扭水蛇腰 |
2013-01-22 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 龚琳娜携新神曲闹舞台 教育金星做帅女人 |
2013-01-15 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 张柏芝惊艳亮嗓 金星两度落泪 |
2012-12-19 | 金星撞火星 | 建筑行业黑幕多 农民工讨薪出新招 |
2012-12-07 | 金星撞火星 | 比基尼京剧惹非议 |
2012-11-03 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 分裂居委会阿姨 大尺度挑战春天里 |
2012-10-27 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 复赛第1场 |
2012-10-20 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 初赛第7场 |
2012-10-13 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 初赛第6场 |
2012-10-11 | 金星撞火星 | 热议养老 |
2012-10-06 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 初赛第5场 |
2012-10-06 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 妈妈咪呀加油赛 |
2012-10-05 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 明星加油赛 |
2012-09-29 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 初赛第4场 |
2012-09-14 | 金星撞火星 | 奥运 |
2012-09-08 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 初赛第1场 |
2012-07-26 | 金星撞火星 | 老酸奶风波 |
2012-05-24 | 金星撞火星 | 热议国企私有化 |
2012-05-09 | 鲁豫有约 | 金星舞动人生 |
2012-04-20 | 金星撞火星 | 三亚宰客事件 |
2012-06-08 | 金星撞火星 | 再探汶川地震 劫后重生的人生 |
2012-03-23 | 金星撞火星 | 金星辣讽贞操女神 |
2012-03-30 | 金星撞火星 | 干露露母女彪悍挑衅 |
2012-08-10 | 金星撞火星 | 揭秘行为艺术背后的故事 |
2012-05-17 | 金星撞火星 |
残奥教练百万奖金何去何从
|
2012-04-27 | 金星撞火星 | 热谈中国慈善事业 |
2015-05-15 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 简马玉玺为母助阵 金星狠批小鲜肉 |
2012-07-12 | 金星撞火星 | 揭秘非法卖肾组织 |
2012-07-18 | 金星撞火星 | 金星对话华汉 |
2012-03-16 | 金星撞火星 | 获取熊胆与动物保护 |
2015-05-22 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 王月芳隔空叫板韩红 黄舒骏力赞 |
2012-04-13 | 金星撞火星 | 爱狗人士救助流浪狗 |
2012-08-24 | 金星撞火星 | 急诊科女超人于莺 |
2015-04-17 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 金星大谈育儿经 建议大家生二胎 |
2012-09-20 | 金星撞火星 | 新闻盘点 |
2012-06-22 | 金星撞火星 | 见义勇为 |
2012-10-04 | 金星撞火星 | 鱼翅红罐 |
2012-09-22 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 初赛第3场 |
2012-09-07 | 金星撞火星 | 北京精神 |
2012-06-15 | 金星撞火星 | 金星对话郭美美 |
2013-02-12 | 金星撞火星 | 2012脱口秀精编 |
2013-03-26 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 常石磊助阵老友重返舞台 |
2013-02-20 | 金星撞火星 |
乡长非诚勿扰 去相亲 众说纷纭 惹争议
|
2012-11-10 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 精粹版 |
2012-05-10 | 金星撞火星 | 金星对话闫凤娇 |
2012-11-07 | 金星撞火星 | 支教话题 |
2012-09-15 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 初赛第2场 |
2012-11-11 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | ---- |
2012-05-18 | 家庭演播室 | 金星被诬陷贩毒进监狱 住宅内景首曝光 |
2012-12-21 | 金星撞火星 | 政府官员财产信息公开 究竟有何难 |
2012-07-05 | 金星撞火星 | 高考话题、高考钉子户 |
2013-01-03 | 金星撞火星 | 2012不得不谈的事 |
2013-02-27 | 金星撞火星 | 小贩刺杀城管矛盾愈演愈烈平衡点究竟在哪? |
2013-01-10 | 金星撞火星 | 千万留守儿童该何去何从 |
2012-08-03 | 金星撞火星 | 性教育 |
2013-01-17 | 金星撞火星 | 热议孝道 |
2012-08-31 | 金星撞火星 | 选美 |
2012-11-17 | 妈妈咪呀!第一季 | 一把火潮妈现场征婚 决赛落幕王燕夺冠 |
2012-08-17 | 金星撞火星 | 声音传承 |
2012-11-22 | 金星撞火星 | 虐童案孰是孰非 |
2012-09-29 | 金星撞火星 | 钓鱼岛专题 |
2012-12-02 | 金星撞火星 | 艾滋针头惹的祸 |
2015-06-19 | 妈妈咪呀!第三季 | 汶川地震英雄救美 成就美满姻缘 |
2013-01-24 | 金星撞火星 | 金星畅谈女人心事(上) |
2012-04-06 | 金星撞火星 |
二胎指标是否应转让
|
2013-01-31 | 金星撞火星 | 金星畅谈女人心事(下) |
2013-01-29 | 妈妈咪呀!第二季 | 龚琳娜容嬷嬷合体唱神曲 黄舒骏雷翻变阿哥 |
2012-10-19
| 金星撞火星 | 热议鉴宝 |
2012-05-03 | 金星撞火星 | 金星对话安雯 |
2013-02-07 | 金星撞火星 | 爱情与面包的关系 那些感动你我的故事 |
2013-04-14 | 舞林争霸 | 刘福洋朱洁静为舞蹈拌嘴 杨文韬于雪娇顺利晋级 |
2012-11-02 | 金星撞火星 | 神秘嘉宾现场揭秘网络 |
2012-06-01 | 金星撞火星 | 汶川大地震四周年特别节目 |
2012-12-14 | 金星撞火星 | 大学生就业难 |
社会活动编辑

金星 (25张)
2014年上海国际时尚中心夏至音乐节,免费公演,由舞蹈家金星老师担任艺术总监并表示,此次做音乐节的最大心愿,是希望用“为爱发声”的公益形式来做慈善,让公益成为一种时尚[29] 。2014年10月,金星出席“奔牛上海”大型公共艺术展致力公益启动少儿艺术教育活动[30] 。
获奖记录编辑
舞蹈 |
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人物评价编辑

金星舞蹈 (3张)
金星敢做别人无法想象的事情,有勇气面对家人和社会,这样的金星,已经不能只简单地看做是一个“趟过男人河的女人”,也许更应该变成一个符号。她的毒舌有些狂,却没人敢说她狂,因为没有相当的经历,自然也就没有可以比肩的气魄[19] 。(网易财经评)
人物争议编辑
否认下课
金星炮轰春晚:你不懂舞蹈不要紧,请别强奸舞蹈。
1994年金星曾给春晚导演组编排舞蹈,但最后播出时,录制播出时舞蹈被大量改动并且经常运用脸部特写镜头。对此金星表示不满称,不懂舞蹈不要紧,请别强奸舞蹈。被问及会不会参加春晚时,金星则表示:这是水到渠成的事,该上的时候就上。除夕的时间我希望留给我母亲和孩子[33] 。
金星怒斥明星吸毒
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